Tuesday, May 6, 2014

Lebanon accused of turning away some Palestinian Syrian refugees

Rights group says Lebanon, which has taken in one million refugees from Syria, is arbitrarily refusing entry for some arrivals

  • theguardian.com, 
Syrian refugees
Syrian refugees in the eastern Lebanese border town of Arsal in December. Photograph: Bilal Hussein/AP
Human Rights Watch and a UN refugee agency have expressed concern that Lebanon is blocking Palestinians fleeing Syria from entering the country.
UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, said it was "concerned about the increased restrictions on Palestine refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria from entering Lebanon".
Its spokesman Chris Gunness in a statement: "We are monitoring the situation on the border carefully and have been given assurances by the Lebanese authorities that these restrictions are temporary."
Human Rights Watch criticised Lebanon for refusing entry for Palestinians from Syria and forcibly returning them to the wartorn country. It accused Beirut of arbitrarily denying entry, and documented the deportation of around 40 Palestinians accused of having forged documents.
Beirut has not announced a blanket ban on the entry of Palestinians from Syria, but government sources confirmed there was a general policy to keep out Palestinians fleeing the conflict.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, one source said the government felt Palestinian refugees registered in Syria should stay there, pointing out that Lebanon already had more than one million Syrian refugees.
HRW said the Lebanese government was violating international law by sending civilians back to an active war zone. "The Lebanese government should urgently rescind its decision to bar Palestinians from Syria from entering Lebanon. Lebanon is turning people back without adequately considering the dangers they face."
The group said Palestinians seeking to enter Lebanon from a crossing with Syria had been arbitrarily denied entry over the weekend.
A security official told AFP that 41 people, many of them Palestinians, were returned to Syria after they were caught trying to fly out from Beirut airport using fake visas. "Eight were allowed to stay because they have Palestinian Lebanese relatives here, or other documentation that allows them to be here," the official said.
Among the more than one million refugees from Syria registered in Lebanon are around 52,000 Palestinian Syrians. Once numbering 500,000 in Syria, Palestinians have been targeted by both sides in the war, making them one of the country's most vulnerable groups, rights groups say.
Lebanon is home to around 422,000 Palestinian refugees, whose presence in the country remains a source of tension. Unlike Jordan and Turkey, which also host a large number of Syrian refugees, Lebanon refuses to set up camps for people fleeing Syria's war. Some politicians have cited the semi-permanent status of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon dating back to the 1948 creation of Israel as the reason why Lebanon does not want more camps.
The international community has praised Lebanon, which has a population of four million, for absorbing so many of those fleeing Syria.
HRW urged foreign governments to better assist Beirut in hosting refugees. "The Lebanese government is bearing an incomparable burden with the Syrian refugees crossing its borders, but blocking Palestinians from Syria is mishandling the situation," said HRW's deputyMiddle East and North Africa director, Joe Stork.

Lebanon: Palestinians Barred, Sent to Syria

Reverse Blanket Rejection of Refugees
The Lebanese government is bearing an incomparable burden with the Syrian refugees crossing its borders, but blocking Palestinians from Syria is mishandling the situation. Palestinians are among the most vulnerable people in the Syria conflict, and like Syrian nationals are at risk of both generalized violence and targeted attacks.
Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa director
(Beirut) – The Lebanese government forcibly returned about three dozen Palestinians to Syria on May 4, 2014, putting them at grave risk. On the same day, the government also arbitrarily denied entry to Palestinians crossing over the land border from Syria.
The Lebanese government should urgently rescind its decision to bar Palestinians from Syria from entering Lebanon, Human Rights Watch said. Lebanon is turning people back without adequately considering the dangers they face. Such a policy violates the international law principle of nonrefoulement, which forbids governments from returning refugees and asylum seekers to places where their lives or freedom would be threatened.
“The Lebanese government is bearing an incomparable burden with the Syrian refugees crossing its borders, but blocking Palestinians from Syria is mishandling the situation,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa director. “Palestinians are among the most vulnerable people in the Syria conflict, and like Syrian nationals are at risk of both generalized violence and targeted attacks.”
Human Rights Watch spoke by phone on May 5 to two men who were part of a group of about three dozen people deported by Lebanese General Security on May 4. They and a third person had remained in the strip of territory between the Lebanese and Syrian border checkpoints at the Masnaa crossing for fear of what would happen to them if they reentered Syria. The rest of the group reentered Syria, where their fate is unknown.
The decision to deport the men followed their arrest at the Beirut airport on May 3 for allegedly attempting to leave the country using fraudulent visas. On May 3, Lebanon’s General Security issued a statement indicating that 49 Syrians and Palestinians from Syria had been stopped at the airport that day for using forged documents and that legal proceedings would be initiated against them.
Salam (names have been changed for their protection), a 26-year-old Palestinian who had been living in the Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus, said he left Syria in December 2012. He told Human Rights Watch that Beirut airport officials accused him of having a fake Libyan visa in his passport and then transferred him to the Masnaa border crossing without explanation. He said the authorities had deported him even though he told General Security officials that he feared he would be detained if he was returned to Syria. He said that he was registered as a refugee with UNRWA, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees, both in Syria and after arriving in Lebanon. He said:
On May 3, I went to the Beirut airport to travel to Libya…General Security said the visa is fake…and detained me at the airport for 26 hours with 40 other Syrians. They transferred us to the Masnaa border without explaining anything…They told us that we will be deported. They did not give us an option to leave, to go to another country. I spoke with the head of General Security...I told him I can’t go back to Syria because I will be detained for skipping my mandatory army service... The [General Security] general said that he can’t do anything…Now I am staying here [in between the border check points] until a country agrees to take me in. I prefer to wait than to get arrested in Syria.
A 21-year-old Palestinian refugee from the Yarmouk camp, who was deported with his brother, told Human Rights Watch that he also was stopped at the Beirut airport while attempting to travel to Libya and accused of having a forged visa. He too was registered with UNRWA in Syria and in Lebanon, where he has been living for the past year-and-a-half. He said that they were arrested with approximately 45 others, the majority of them Palestinians. He said he was afraid to enter Syria because he too had fled his military service.

“They didn’t explain anything to us – why they were detaining us and where they were taking us,” he said. “They didn’t give us any other option other than returning to Syria. We had women and children with us and one was pregnant.”

Before the March 2011 uprising began, Syria was home to approximately 500,000 Palestinian refugees, some of whom were born and raised in the country. Palestinians from Syria, like Syrians there, have suffered greatly as a result of generalized violence and unlawful attacks by both government forces and non-state armed groups. Palestinian refugee camps, including in Aleppo, Daraa, and the Yarmouk camp in south Damascus, have come under attack and siege, resulting in numerous civilian fatalities and injuries.

The Yarmouk camp, home to the largest Palestinian community in the country before the start of the conflict, was besieged by government forces in December 2012, resulting in widespread malnutrition and in some cases death from starvation. While some humanitarian relief has entered Yarmouk since then, residents who remain there are denied access to life-saving medical assistance and adequate food supplies. Half of the Palestinians who lived in Syria when the conflict began have been displaced as a result of the conflict, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported. Government forces have also arbitrarily detained and tortured Palestinians.

Since the conflict began, approximately 60,000 Palestinians from Syria have registered in Lebanon with UNRWA.

On November 25, 2013, Human Rights Watch wrote to the Lebanese minister of interior to raise concerns about “an apparent change in practice, and perhaps in policy, that seems to have begun in early August 2013 whereby Palestinians generally are denied entry from Syria.” At that time, seven Palestinians from Syria who were stranded at the Masnaa crossing told Human Rights Watch that they were being denied entry. Some of the Palestinians stranded at the border said they had previously crossed into Lebanon without any problem, and they said that when they asked for an explanation, General Security officials at the border were either not forthcoming or became hostile or threatened to respond with a one-year or one-month bar on entry. The Ministry of Interior did not respond to the letter.

Human Rights Watch has also documented the Jordanian government’s policy of pushing back Palestinian refugees from Syria trying to enter Jordan from Syria at the border, without considering their claims for asylum in Jordan. In violation of its international legal obligations, Jordan banned entry to all Palestinians from Syria in October 2012, denying refuge to those trying to flee Syria and rendering the presence of those already in the kingdom illegal, thereby increasing their vulnerability to exploitation, arrest, and deportation. According to the March 2014 Syria Needs Analysis Projectreport, Jordanian authorities have forcibly returned over 100 Palestinians to Syria, including deportations of women, children, and injured individuals. In one case, a Palestinian was arrested in late 2012 at his home in Syria 20 days after he was forcibly returned from Jordan, and his body was later dumped on the street in front of his father’s house, showing bullet wounds and signs of torture, according to informed sources who asked not to be named.

“Concerned governments should generously assist neighboring countries, including Lebanon, so that they can meet the needs of refugees and asylum seekers from Syria,” Stork said.

Monday, May 5, 2014

الأسد و’ما بعد الأبد’!

الياس خوري
منذ انفجار الاحتجاجات الشعبية في سوريا في آذار- مارس 2011، رفع انصار النظام الاستبدادي او ما يطلق عليه السوريون اسم ‘الشبيحة’، شعارين:
الشعار الأول هو ‘الأسد او نحرق البلد’، واشتعلت الحرائق، وامتلأت شوارع المدن والبلدات السورية بجثث الشهداء والضحايا. بدأ النظام باحراق البلد قبل ان تطلق المعارضة السورية رصاصة واحدة. الأزهار والمياه التي قدمها غياث مطر للجنود السوريين، قابلها النظام بإعادة جثة الشاب الى ذويه مشوّهة. والرد على مظاهرات درعا السلمية اتى عبر جثة الفتى حمزة الخطيب الممزقة، وحنجرة القاشوش اقتلعت قبل ان ترمى جثة المنشد الشعبي في نهر العاصي.
لم يسبق ان استخدمت الدبابات في قمع المظاهرات، ولم يسبق لسلطة ان تجبّرت كما فعل نظام الابن الذي لم يحفظ من تاريخ والده سوى مجزرة حماه، ووأد المجتمع السوري في الصمت، وسحق المعارضة في سجن تدمر الرهيب.
بدأ النظام في إحراق البلد بشكل همجي لا مبرر له. فالعنف الفائض الذي استخدم لم يكن بهدف قمع المتظاهرات والمتظاهرين من أجل اطفاء نار الاحتجاج الشعبي فقط، بل كان يهدف أيضا الى تلقين الشعب السوري درسا لن ينساه الى الأبد.
والأبد، كما يعلم القاصي والداني، هو هدف مجانين السلطة، ونقطة ضعف جميع المستبدين. واذا كان الجنون قد قاد الامبراطور الروماني كاليغولا الى ان يعلن انه يريد القمر، كما في مسرحية البير كامو التي تحمل اسم الامبراطور عنوانا، فإن الملك المحتضر كان له طلب واحد هو الخلود المستحيل، كما في مسرحية يوجين يونيسكو ‘الملك يموت’. غير أن الأسد الأب تفوق في خياله الإستبدادي على خيال أسلافه جميعا، فانتقلت اليافطات المؤيدة له من كونه رئيسا ‘الى الأبد’ الى اعلانه رئيسا ‘الى الأبد والى ما بعد الأبد’.
لم أستطع فهم معنى ما بعد الأبد إلا حين رأيت كيف يقوم الإبن بتنفيذ أبد والده عبر إحراق سوريا وتدميرها، ثم ينتقل الى مرحلة ما بعد الأبد عبر ترشيح نفسه كي يكون رئيسا على الركام.
‘الأسد أو نحرق البلد’، لقد نجح الشبيحة وحلفــــاؤهم الروس والإيرانيون والميليشيات التــــابعة في إحــــراق البلد، بل نجحوا في استدراج ميليشيات تشبهـــهم في استبدادها كي تتسلط على الشعب السوري، وتدعشه وتنصره على نفسه. 
(وهذه مسألة يجب ان تفتح صفحتها كي نفهم من يتحمل مسؤولية هذا الإنهيار، وكي تتم محاسبة قيادات المعارضة والجيش الحر ايضا، من دون ان ننسى دور النفط الخليجي، ولؤم الغرب ونذالته ونذالة من عوّل على مساندته لقضية الحرية في سوريا).
كان الخيار هو الأسد أو احراق البلد، احـــترق البــــلد، وتشّرد الشعب، فلماذا الأسد بــــعد ذلك. حـــــرف ‘او’ يعني ان الحريق جاء بعد ان صـــار بقاء الأسد مستحيلا، او هكذا تدلّ العبارة، لكن يبدو ان للنظام طريقته الخاصة في إعراب اللغة.
لذا اندفع الإستبداد الى تطبيق شعاره الثاني، ‘الأسد او لا أحد’.فإذا كان الأبد يعني إحراق سوريا، فإن ما بعد الأبد يعني الدخول في عالم يصنعه خيال مريض، لا يشبع من سفك الدماء، ولم يعد له سوى هدف واحد هو استمرار الانتقام من ‘العبد’ الذي تمرّد على سيده الى ما لا نهاية.
الدعم اللامحدود الذي تلقاه ولا يزال يتلقاه النظام، سمح له بالذهاب الى شعاره الثاني، لكن الواقع السوري المأسوي أحدث عليه تعديلا، فاستبدل ‘أو’ ب ‘و’، والمسألة لا تقتضي جهدا لغويا خاصا، فاستبدال حرف عطف بحرف عطف آخر، مسألة في غاية البساطة. هكذا صار الشعار الفعلي هو ‘الأسد… ولا أحد’.
أي أن الخيار بين ‘السيد الرئيس′ (وهذا عنوان رواية أستورياس عن مآلات الاستبداد في أمريكا اللاتينة)، وبين الفراغ او اللا أحد لم يعد مجديا، لأن الرئيس نفسه صار هو هذا اللا أحد.
بشار الأسد سوف ينتخب رئيسا على إيقاع البراميل والدماء وفي بلد ممزق الأوصال، وسينعم باللقب سبع سنوات أخرى، أو هكذا يظن.
ولكن من هو هذا الرجل اليوم؟
هل هو الأمين القطري لحزب البعث، الذي تدعمه وتقاتل بالنيابة عنه ميليشيات أصولية عراقية ولبنانية؟ 
أم هو زعيم الممانعة الذي سلّم سلاحه الكيميائي مقابل ان يبقى في السلطة؟ 
أم هو بطل استكمال ذاكرة مذبحة تل الزعتر بحاضر مأساة مخيم اليرموك؟
أم هو بطل الجولان الذي لم تطلق فيه رصاصة واحدة منذ أربعة عقود؟
أم هو القائد العام لجيش لا يقود، بل يقاد من قبل الحرس الثوري الايراني؟
أم هو الإبن الذي نسي سر أبيه بأن تكون سوريا لاعبا إقليميا على جماجم أبنائها، فأبقى سور الجماجم الهولاكي، متخليا عن دوره كلاعب ومحولا سوريةالى ملعب لكل من هب ّودب ّمن القوى الإقليمية والدولية؟
هل يحكم هذا الرجل ركام بلاده أم أنه صار جزءا من هذا الركام، وما عليه سوى ان يدفع الجزية لأسياد سوريا الجدد؟
الأسد … ولا أحد
الأسد هو اللا أحد
انه كائن ضبابي يسبح فوق الدم والأشلاء، ويدّعي انه سيكون رئيسا لجمهورية لم تعد موجودة.
هذا هو ‘ما بعد الأبد’، الذي بشرتنا به يافطة علقها الأزلام، في يوم مضى، على مداخل طرابلس الفيحاء، أو طرابلس الشام، او مدينة القهر والدم، التي لا تزال تدفع من دم أبنائها ثمن الأبد الأسدي وما بعده

Egypt's repression of free speech will inevitably fail

Peter Greste and Baher Mohamed
Australian correspondent Peter Greste, left, and Egyptian producer Baher Mohamed at their trial on terror charges in Cairo. Photograph: Hamada Elrasam/AP

The continuing incarceration of journalists is awful and unjust, but Egyptians will still get their democracy; that is not in question
It is three years since Egypt's youth staged their 18-day revolution, after which the world rejoiced that the reign of dictators was over. Now comes yet more confirmation that these hopes were ill-founded, with a mass trial sentencing 683 people to death.
Just as worryingly, many human rights abuses are not even being reported now. Back in 2011 many Arab journalists were optimistic that a new era would begin, and that decades of official media control in Egypt were over. Today, media freedom in Egypt has deteriorated to unprecedented levels.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) ranked Egypt as the third deadliest country for the press last year. Television stations were shut down, foreign television station offices were attacked, six journalists were killed, and more than 20 arrested, including four foreign journalists. Several are being tried on charges ranging from the spreading of false information to collaborating with a terrorist organisation (the Muslim Brotherhood).
Collaboration simply means conducting interviews with members of the group, or covering their protests and activities.
Mohamed Badr, an Egyptian al-Jazeera cameraman, was among those who bravely and professionally covered the Arab spring in Egypt and Libya. He was arrested by the Egyptian authorities without a formal charge, and imprisoned for more than 200 days. After his release, he said that he had witnessed and endured terrible physical torture, with detainees forced into painful positions for long periods, and psychological taunting. The guards and police officers accused him of treason on the grounds that he worked for a media organisation the regime disapproved of.
Badr's colleague, al-Jazeera correspondent Abdullah al-Shami, has been detained since August 2013. According to his brother, al-Shami has lost 30kg due to the hunger strike he began three months ago. I knew al-Shami when I served as director-general of the al-Jazeera network and he was the station's correspondent in Nigeria. He is now paying the price for his coverage of the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre.
Three other al-Jazeera staff are being tried: Egyptian-born Canadian citizen Mohamed Fahmy, Australian correspondent Peter Greste and Egyptian producer Bahar Mohammed were arrested on 29 December. Prosecutors presented absurd evidence against them including the possession of video interviews – which did nothing but show that they were engaged in journalism – yet the court still refuses to release them on bail and refused again on Saturday.
Tahrir SquareTahrir Square in November 2011. Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images
Arab regimes have tried to monopolise the media for decades. Today, the Egyptian authorities are resorting to the same methods: accusing the free media of conspiring against the state, spreading false information, and perhaps most pathetic, spying for foreign forces.
I still remember how Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, when I met him in 2005, accused al-Jazeera of being a Zionist plot – a claim I had also heard from the Egyptian minister of information during Hosni Mubarak's reign. It was intriguing that this coincided with accusations by George Bush and then US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, against the station of co-operating with terrorist organisations in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The oppression of free speech has failed time after time, as the developments of the revolutions were broadcast via television, internet and social networking sites. The regimes that most fiercely attacked free expression were the most fragile and weak when facing up to youth revolts. Tunisia, the only Arab country that did not allow al-Jazeera to operate at all, was the first to face the wrath of the street. Using the controlled media to hide the facts and serve tyranny was one of the main factors behind the revolution.
Today, the military in Egypt is repeating the same tactics, and will face the same failure. The television screens and newspaper pages loyal to the military fabricate facts and encourage violence against protesters. Such practices will speed up the regime's downfall.
In the past three years, much has changed in the Arab world: the barrier of fear has been torn down, the means of expression have multiplied and a new generation of activists, websites and citizen journalists has emerged.
It is true that traditional media, guided and influenced by the state, has been successful in distortion, deceit and the demonisation of opponents such as those recently sentenced to death; but its impact is limited and short term and it will provoke the people's rage against whomever controls it.
The relapse in the path towards democracy and free speech is merely a short-term hiccup that will not eliminate people's desire for freedom, justice and dignity. Hope for these is the last thing the people will give up

"War Criminals Shouldn’t Be Honored": Rutgers Students Nix Condoleezza Rice From Commencement Speech

Democracy Now!

"Former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has withdrawn as commencement speaker at Rutgers University following protests by faculty and students over her role in the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. Rutgers faculty had circulated a petition decrying the role Rice played in "efforts to mislead the American people about the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq." Last week, Rutgers students occupied a campus building in a call for the invitation to be withdrawn. In a statement this weekend, Rice said her appearance "has become a distraction." We discuss the "No Rice Campaign" with Rutgers University student protester Carmelo Cintrón Vivas and Baher Azmy, legal director of the Center for Constitutional Rights....."

Two State Solution

US and Syria: The third way

The West should do more to stop the decimation of Syria.



Marwan Bishara is the senior political analyst at Al Jazeera.
Listen to this page using ReadSpeaker
Email Article
 
Print Article
 
Share article
 
Send Feedback
An entire generation of Syrians has been maimed, writes Bishara [AFP]
Twenty years after the genocide in Rwanda, history is repeating itself a second time as a tragedy in Syria.
Then as now, indifference, incompetence and procrastination underline UN shortcomings and Western double standards. As if we've learned nothing, zero, zip, zilch, nada.
Now as then, the justifications for inaction are more of the same feeble excuses.
In 1994, the US/West was presumably marked by its failed Somalia intervention, preoccupied by the crisis in Europe/Yugoslavia and captivated by the trial of OJ Simpson. 
Ditto in 2014. The US/West is said to be marked by its failed intervention in Iraq, preoccupied by the crisis in Ukraine, and gripped by the trial of Oscar Pistorius - or the "mystery" of a missing Malaysian plane.
But unlike Rwanda where inaction in response to the killings of hundreds of thousands was justified by their archaic nature and speed, in Syria, the mayhem has been going on for almost three years, not three months as was the case in the African nation.
Shameful
With hundreds of thousands of casualties and millions of refugees, this proud, ill-fated Arab nation is being decimated.
With the UN Security Council deadlocked between the US and Russia, the world looks on as death and destruction touch every town and neighbourhood, devastating families and harming innocent children. An entire generation of Syrians has been maimed, perhaps for life.
Millions have been fleeing the violence or evicted from their towns and villages and are living under dreadful circumstances.
Goodwill is no substitute for better policy in Syria, especially for the self-appointed world superpower.
It's the worst refugee crisis in decades, with more than 9 million displaced, and over 2.5 million seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. 
The US has contributed funds, some $1.3bn, to help secure temporary food and shelter. But of the 135,000 Syrians who asked for political asylum in the US in 2013, only 31 were allowed in. That's 1 in 4,000.
The Obama administration says it will relax the asylum procedures, but it still lags far behind Europe, which has accepted some 60,000 refugees thus far. The rest of the displaced Syrians, mostly children, remain in limbo or live in tents. 
And there is no end in sight. Western and other able governments prefer to help out from afar. Alas, even their humanitarian aid has proved inadequate, especially when Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime tries to starve entire communities into submission.
In the absence of real solutions, even goodwill gestures that come with the best of intentions can be inadequate. For example, giving out toys for the young Syrian refugees is kind but there is something terribly disturbing about giving a homeless child a LEGO set to build a toy house for fun.
Put simply, goodwill is no substitute for better policy in Syria, especially for the self-appointed world superpower.
Right and wrong
Let me be clear; Americans are mostly not interested in another military intervention, and President Barack Obama is probably the soberest guy in Washington today. He's cool and collected in a city saturated with excitable populists and gun-ho opportunists.
But is this sobriety a sign of carefulness or utter indifference to the soaring Syrian tragedy?
Listening to him explain the administration's position on Syria, one senses an aggravated president fed up with his detractors who take cheap shots against his policies without providing viable alternatives.
Domestic politics and Republicans badgering have motivated much of the criticism. And the same loudmouths who got the US into the Iraq quagmire are today pestering him about Syria as they did about Iran. But there are also those who truly care about stopping the bloodshed.
 
Before we go any further, it's helpful to recall what's worrying Obama, in his own words:
"Typically, criticism of our foreign policy has been directed at the failure to use military force… And the question I think I would have is, why is it that everybody is so eager to use military force after we've just gone through a decade of war at enormous costs to our troops and to our budget? And what is it exactly that these critics think would have been accomplished?"
And he added rather irritatingly:
"I would note that those who criticise our foreign policy with respect to Syria, they themselves say, 'No, no, no, we don't mean sending in troops…' Well, what do you mean?'Well, you should be assisting the opposition.' Well, we're assisting the opposition. What else do you mean? 'Well, perhaps you should have taken a strike in Syria to get chemical weapons out of Syria.' Well, it turns out we're getting chemical weapons out of Syria without having initiated a strike. So what else are you talking about? And at that point it kind of trails off."
Obama is probably right about his gun-ho critics, but does that make him right about Syria?
Yes and No
Yes, Washington's warmongers haven't met a war scenario they didn't like. But no; a decade of war has not stopped Obama from using military force, for example in Libya, when he deemed it necessary.
Yes, the critics also oppose deploying troops to Syria. But no; they don't oppose aerial bombings as a way of deterring the regime from committing more atrocities.
Yes, the administration is supporting the Syrian opposition. But no; it's not helpful. It provides the opposition with the minimum to help it survive, but not enough to defeat or at least pressure the Assad regime into serious negotiations.
And yes, Syria has agreed to give up its chemical weapons. But no; the Assad regime has not divulged all its stockpiles and excluded the biological weapons, according to the administration's own leaks. 
And finally, yes the threat of force did compel Assad to do away with the country's weapons of mass destruction.  But no; this was not done on behalf of the Syrian people; it was done mostly on Israel's behalf.  WMDs are not the cause of death and destruction in Syria; it's mainly the regime's conventional killing machine - its planes and heavy armour.
More relevantly, when Obama backtracked on bombing the regime's conventional military installations after it violated its "redline" on the use of chemical weapons, and when he failed to enact policies that meet his stated goal of "Assad must go," Obama has de facto emboldened Assad and encouraged his allies in Tehran and Moscow to play hard ball.
 
Gaming in Syria
Poker, chess, basketball and baseball, among others, have been used as metaphors to help explain what lies behind US foreign policy to the bewildered.
I am all for the use of metaphors to explain the game of nations as much as the next person, but the Syrian tragedy is not a game.
And yet the bleeding nation is treated as if it were a disposable piece in a US-Russian geopolitical chess match, or a bet to place in poker politics. 
The president, we are told, isn't terribly alarmed by the new Syrian - or Middle Eastern-type - extremists: "If a JV team puts on Lakers uniforms that doesn't make them Kobe Bryant." Hence, in his latest foreign policy pitch in the Philippines, Obama dampened the chances for a "home run" in Syria.
Syria is not a major oil producer; it's not in Europe, and doesn't pose national security risk to the US. So why intervene?
Only as US-Russian tensions deepen over Ukraine, are the pundits suggesting that Washington escalate the war against Assad as a way to hit back at Putin in Syria. Rarely has global power politics been so cynical.
Obama said in the beginning of the year that he is "haunted" by what is happening in Syria, but not by his decision not to get the US involved militarily.
Fine. But then what? Has Obama tried to articulate and embrace a third way between reckless military intervention and utter inaction? 
This question is of paramount importance for the US and the rest of us. Because, unless the bleeding stops and a political solution is found, sooner than later, Syria will haunt us all for a long time to come.

Saturday, May 3, 2014

WHY DEAL WHEN ISRAEL HOLDS ALL THE CARDS


May 3, 2014
By Eric Margolis
Did anyone really think that John Kerry’s nine-month effort to produce a Palestinian mini-state would ever work? If so, they were either ignorant of the Mideast, naïve, or deeply cynical.
The best one could say about Kerry’s fiasco was that it was a charade designed to show America’s Arab allies that Washington was really making an effort to resolve the nearly seven-decade suffering of the 5 million homeless Palestinians.
In 2002, I wrote that the latest Arab-Israel peace initiative – called “the roadmap to peace” – would be a dead end in the desert. So it was, and so was each ensuing peace spasm as Washington beseeched, begged , implored, cajoled and pleaded with Israel to allow creation of a small, semi-independent Palestinian state on the Israel-occupied West Bank.
Oooops! New Jersey governor Chris Christie, the Republican frontrunner for president, went to Las Vegas to lick the hand of Uber Zionist media mogul billionaire Sheldon Adelson. While kow-towing to Adelson, who made his billions by exploiting poor people’s addiction to gambling, Christie made what could be a fatal faux pas.
The New Jersey governor referred to what the United Nations terms the “Israeli-occupied West Bank” as the “Israeli-occupied West Bank.” Adelson, a chief financier of militant Jewish settlers on the West Bank and Golan, went ballistic. No, no, no! It’s Judea and Samaria, thundered the casino mogul, given to the chosen people by God himself!
Poor Christie slunk back to New Jersey. His plain speaking may cost him the presidential nomination. Adelson repeated his offer to give a sufficiently pro-Greater Israel Republican candidate $100 million.
This sickening tale of dirty money and an American political process totally corrupted by now unlimited money explains why Israel has no intention of signing a peace deal with the Palestinians. Why should it?
First, Israel’s ruling Likud Party and its even more extreme allies have vowed there will never be a Palestinian state. Period. In their view, all of Palestine belongs to the Jews, even if they hail from Russia, Morocco, Poland or Lithuania. As the late Gen. Ariel Sharon so often proclaimed, the true Palestinian state is Jordan. There will be no return to pre-1967 borders.
Second, Palestinians don’t exist, as the late Israeli PM Golda Meir was so fond of saying: they are merely landless Bedouin. How ironic that the Jewish thinker Arthur Koestler wrote much the same about the Jews, calling them descendants of nomadic Khazars.
Third, as Sharon used to boast, “don’t worry about the US. I control the US!” Israel’s right wing has turned the US Congress into performing seals. Any US official or politician deemed insufficiently pro-Israel has a short career. Israel’s PM Benjamin Netanyahu even humiliated President Obama and VP Joe Biden – and was cheered by Congress.
Fourth, Israel holds all the cards. US Mideast policy is determined by the potent Israel lobby. Israel grows rich from US aid ($3-5 billion annually) and new energy discoveries. Its economy thrives and its tech sector is a world leader. Israel has annexed the region’s key water sources.
Militarily, Israel could conquer much of the Mideast in mere days. Israel’s American allies, known as neocons, engineered the Iraq war that destroyed Israel’s most capable Arab enemy. Now, thanks again to the neocons, the other serious enemy, Syria, lies in ruins.
Egypt, the Arab world’s leading power, is now run by a brutal fascist regime that is secretly allied with Israel. Distant Iran offers no current military challenge to Israel. Besides, nuclear-armed Israel has unlimited American military and financial backing.
Palestinians are split between the useless PLO – a sock puppet for the US and Israel – and Hamas, locked up in Gaza. They pose only nuisance value to Israel. The only serious remaining Arab fighting force is Lebanon’s Hezbollah – but it is only effective when fighting at home.
Israel’s right is quite prepared to enforce an apartheid state where Arabs have few rights and no political power. It’s no coincidence that Israel and apartheid South Africa were the closest of allies.
Finally, Israel’s Zionist hard right has always been reluctant to fix the nation’s borders with Syria and Lebanon. Who knows what Israel’s final borders will look like. Some on Israel’s hard right see golden opportunities in a collapsing, fragmented Arab world.

The Lousy Arab Finally Shows His True Color: in Support of a Most Murderous Regime

The Lousy Arab wrote today:
As’ad+Abu+Khalil,+the+'angry+Arab'.jpg (450×300)
"Syria and then Ukraine: Western logic
According to the West: the Syrian government is not justified in using force against armed rebels but in Ukraine, the government is justified in using force against unarmed civilians."

What this fool chose to ignore is that the bloody Syrian regime literally mowed down thousands of peaceful demonstrators, when the uprising began. Artillery fire and bombs from the air were used to quash peaceful demonstrations. Schools and hospitals were not spared. Every known weapon, including cluster bombs and Sarine gas were used. Only after all peaceful protests were met with unparalleled brutality and killing did the uprising resort to arms.

How could he compare a regime that for over 3 years demolished most of Syria, was responsible for over 150,000 Syrians killed and created over 9 million refugees, with the actions in the Ukraine? In the Ukraine it is the Russian-armed "civilians" who are shooting down Ukrainian helicopters! Most of the early casualties were from the Ukraine military. Still, the casualties are a few dozen, not over 150,000!

This fool's credibility, if he ever had any, is now gone with the credibility of his beloved Hizbullah. He can no longer pretend to be an unbiased observer.  

A time of opportunity for Palestinians

May 03, 2014 12:11 AM
By Rami G. Khouri

A+A-
The collapse of the American-mediated Palestinian-Israeli negotiations last week ushers in a period of uncertainty that will most likely be dominated by many unilateral moves, combined with appropriate threats and warnings from all sides.
The Palestinians are in the most difficult position, given their relative weakness militarily, their fragmentation politically, and their vulnerability economically. Yet this moment is also one of opportunity for the Palestinians, on three important fronts: national unity, coordinated political resistance and the mobilization of international support.
The absolute requirement for Palestinians now is to reconstitute a minimum of national unity, which goes well beyond implementing the Fatah-Hamas reconciliation agreement. The Fatah- Hamas agreement aims to form a technocratic national-unity government that will in turn supervise new elections in Palestinian Authority-controlled regions. This is an important first step, but full national unity requires more.
The critical need is to revitalize the institutions of the Palestine Liberation Organization which have been moribund since the Oslo agreements gave birth to the Palestinian Authority two decades ago. The PLO has always been the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people because it is the vehicle through which Palestinians engage the world diplomatically (including its nonmember observer state status at the United Nations) and the forum in which Palestinians express their views and seek to achieve national consensus.
A unified and coherent Palestinian people, represented by a single, democratic and consultative body such as the PLO, would be able to overcome the inherent weaknesses of being scattered around the world. In fact, Palestinians can turn their fragmentation into an asset, by using the PLO to adopt political strategies that fall into the category of national resistance to the continuing dangers posed by Zionism and the state of Israel – dangers that will be quickly and dramatically manifested in the months ahead by probable Israeli plans to unilaterally annex more occupied land in the West Bank and Jerusalem.
The Palestinians now need to agree over a division of responsibility among their people across the region and the world. This they must do in order to implement more diligently a range of coordinated political action and national resistance strategies that they have been using until now in an uncoordinated and episodic manner.
These options include, first, diplomatic negotiations, which have failed for many decades but cannot be dropped from the political toolkit, especially if a more credible mediator than the United States appears on the scene.
Second, state-building in areas under Palestinian control. This project was promoted by former Prime Minister Salam Fayyad without leading to any diplomatic advances. Yet it should be continued because state-building is good for the Palestinians in its own right.
Third, joining international organizations to give the PLO greater global diplomatic clout in its bid to gain more rights for the Palestinian people, whether under occupation or as refugees in Arab countries. This will also help Palestinians to use the available legal measures to stop or reduce ongoing Israeli actions such as colonization, assassination, annexation, imprisonment, siege of territories and others.
Fourth, mass nonviolent civil disobedience by Palestinians everywhere – inside Israel, in occupied lands, in Arab countries and around the world – could be used to simultaneously dramatize Israeli oppressive, inhuman and illegal measures, enhance a sense of common action by the scattered Palestinian community, and harness international support.
Fifth, promote the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement globally as the international arm of a nonviolent resistance movement. This movement is already drawing steady support from mainstream organizations around the world.
Sixth, initiate another uprising, or intifada, in occupied Palestinian lands. This is likely to have a limited impact in light of the first two uprisings in recent decades.
And seventh, consider armed resistance, which has been tried in many forms and has never achieved the desired goals of forcing Zionism and Israel to come to terms with the legitimacy of Palestinian national rights. That is why a massive nonviolent political resistance through a unified Palestinian national effort, backed by international support, is much more likely to succeed.
The requirement now is to utilize a combination of the above options to mobilize significant international support for the Palestinian national cause, which already enjoys widespread support around the world. That support, however, has never been effectively channeled into a clear diplomatic strategy. The growing momentum of the BDS movement around the world indicates the huge potential here, especially as unilateral Israeli measures increasingly invite comparisons between Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and South Africa’s Apartheid system.
This dangerous moment for the Palestinians presents new possibilities for productive advances in the peaceful achievement of national rights for the Palestinians, and peace, justice and legitimacy for all in the region, including Israel.
Let us hope that the Palestinian leadership behaves more intelligently and responsibly than it has in similar historical junctures in the recent past. It must embark on a nationally coordinated political resistance strategy that would be widely supported by Palestinians, Arabs and people of good will around the world.

Thursday, May 1, 2014

بوتفليقة فاز بولاية رابعة رغم تدهور حالته الصحية، وأدى اليمين الدستورية وهو على كرسي متحرك (الأوروبية)

At the Edge of the Grave....
Just Checking.....
That His Heart is Still Beating!