Monday, November 3, 2014

US-Backed Rebels Surrender to a United ISIS-Nusra

US-Backed Rebels Surrender Arms, Bases to al-Qaeda


The Obama Administration continues to insist that its strategy in Syria is “working,” but the setbacks on the ground are growing more dramatic by the day, and the Syrian Revolutionary Front, one of the largest “vetted, moderate” US-backed rebel forces, has been effectively wiped out.
The Revolutionary Front was routed by both ISIS and al-Qaeda’s Jabhat al-Nusra in recent days, and has now surrendered outright after the fall of Deir Sinbal, agreeing to hand over all their weapons and bases to Nusra.
Those weapons, it should be made clear, include US-provided anti-tank missiles and GRAD rockets, and adds to the sizable cache of American weapons now in the hands of US enemies in Syria.
Nusra and ISIS had been at odds for most of the year going into the US war, but the administration’s decision to attack the both of them has driven them into a growing coordination, and turned the already massive ISIS into an even bigger group with even more international contacts.
The US had been backing groups like the Revolutionary Front with an eye toward eventually installing them as the new Syrian government, but even with US and GCC bankrolling, they never grew beyond comparatively small factions within the overall, Islamist-dominated rebellion.
That didn’t stop the US from throwing larger amounts of more advanced weaponry at them, despite it being fairly obvious that either ISIS or Nusra could take them out at any time.
There wasn’t much need for ISIS or Nusra to do so until the US expanded its war into Syria in September, and that made US allies on the ground huge targets for enemies they were not able to defeat.
The administration will no doubt downplay the defeat of the Revolutionary Front, having distanced themselves from the existing moderate factions with an eye toward eventually creating their own rebel group.
Yet the same problems loom large if and when that new group is created, as it will presumably be made up of recruits from the same feckless fighting forces, and awash in the same US armaments that didn’t work this time.
The US policy of throwing weapons and funds at such factions has not only failed, it has failed spectacularly, giving ISIS and Nusra a steady stream of advanced weapons to loot from smaller forces.
Not only has the administration clearly not learned that lesson, but the plan to create a new rebel force seems destined to repeat it, on an even larger scale.

Egyptian journalists reject their editors' loyalty to the al-Sisi government

The Guardian
Several hundred Egyptian journalists have rejected a policy declaration by newspaper editors pledging support for the state and banning criticism of the police, army and judiciary in their publications.
In a statement posted yesterday (2 November) on social media networks, the journalists attacked the "voluntary surrender" of press freedom as outlined in the editors' 26 October declaration.
"Standing up to terrorism with a shackled media and sealed lips means offering the nation to extremism as an easy prey and turning public opinion into a blind creature unaware of the direction from which it is being hit or how to deal with it," said the statement.
Khaled al-Balshi, editor of a news website and a board member of the journalists' union, said at least 300 journalists had signed the statement.
"It is an attempt to make newspapers speak with one voice," he told the Associated Press. "The move by the editors of the newspapers was like establishing a political party in support of the regime. They want to end diversity."
The dispute between journalists and editors is the latest episode in Egypt's struggle between the authorities and their loyalist media on one side and a small but vocal pro-democracy camp, made up mostly of secular and leftist youth groups, on the other.
The dispute is rooted in the recent erosion of many of the freedoms Egyptians won when Hosni Mubarak was tipped from power.
The subsequent military overthrow in July 2013 of the Muslim Brotherhood government led by Mohamed Morsi and its replacement by Abdel Fatah al-Sisihas changed conditions for the media.
In the months since al-Sisi took office in June, after a landslide election victory, journalists have complained about growing restrictions on freedom of expression.
The 26 October editors' declaration said they would take measures to halt what it called the "infiltration by elements supporting terrorism" in their publications.
Significantly, the editors also stated their "rejection" of what they called attempts to cast doubt on state institutions, basic policy choices and criticism of the army, police or judiciary that "may reflect negatively on their performance."
One private TV channel said it intended to bar certain guests from its political programmes on charges of being "rumour mongers" — parlance for government critics.
AP quotes a freelance journalist who opposes the editors as saying: "You can never counter terrorism by suspending freedoms."

Kobane is a gift to Assad

The trap is thinking the Assad regime has the answers to the challenges of extremism.



Armed men, believed to be ISIL fighters, walk along a street in Kobane [AFP]
This September 11, as Syria's President Bashar al-Assad celebrated his 49th birthday, you can imagine that he felt confident the direction of the conflict and the future of his rule were heading in the right direction.
For over three years as Syria's cities were both emptied and pulverised, Assad preached a single and unerring message - that the crisis was the fault of a wider conspiracy against the Syrian state and that it was being fuelled by foreign terrorists. The rise and rise of ISIL has fitted into this narrative perfectly with their acts of savage barbarism dominating the global headlines and their blitzkrieg into Iraq forcing the hand of US re-intervention in the region.
Today all eyes are on the small town of Kobane, a place many wouldn't have suspected to be touched by history but which was described by the Economist this week as "the Kurdish Stalingrad". The focus on the town and the role of Kurdish forces, ISIL and US air strikes have taken complete attention away from Assad's new offensive threatening to encircle rebels in Aleppo and a devastating new aerial campaign. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, in less than a fortnight, Syrian warplanes havedropped at least 401 barrel bombs on rebel areas in eight provinces across the country.
Kobane is a gift to Assad, allowing the regime in Damascus to push militarily while simultaneously driving a diplomatic charm offensive positioning itself as the rational and moderate player in the increasingly bloody Middle East power equation. Bouthaina Shaaban, nominally an Assad "adviser" told veteran reporter Robert Fisk last week that Syria is suffering from a US attack against the state itself rather than an attempt at regime change. Shaaban suggested that "the conspiracy theory is no longer a 'theory' it is a reality we must confront together". But is the regime the victim of a conspiracy theory or the proponent of one?
Setting a trap
The conspiracy theory has long been a staple of the region and Kobane and the rise of ISIL has allowed Assad to set a trap into which more and more people are falling. The trap is thinking that the regime has the answers to the challenges of extremism without examining in closer detail their relationship to and with it. Much like talking to a pyromaniac about the problem of fires, the more we hear about ISIL, the more reasonable it would seem to be engaging with the regime.
This is partly due to the global nature of many of ISIL's fighters. A UN Security Council report revealed on Friday that some 15,000 foreign jihadis have travelled to Syria and Iraq from more than 80 countries to fight alongside ISIL and other groups. This has led to huge amounts of navel-gazing, especially in the West, as to issues of radicalisation and levels of domestic threat.
Dozens killed in Syria barrel bomb 'massacre'
However, speaking last month at Chatham House, former UN/Arab League Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi reminded the audience that ISIL was born in Iraq. This birth was largely a cause of the state collapse that followed the 2003 US-led invasion of the country and subsequent disbanding of the Iraqi armed forces including the border guard some 35,000 strong.
Into these ungoverned spaces flowed foreign fighters seeking to join a Sunni insurgency allowed to flourish by the sectarian dynamics of the post-2003 Iraqi body-politic. Syria's border with Iraq became known as the "Ho Chi Minh Trail" for foreign fighters entering the country. Assad, wary of US success in Iraq leading to thoughts of unseating him, was happy to allow fighters to travel east.
While there is no clear evidence of the Assad regime having direct command and control of groups operating on the ISIL-spectrum there is certainly anecdotal evidence that Damascus was happy to see the extremist contagion as splitting opposition against him and appealing to the West's primary concern of global terrorism.
Assad withdrew his security forces from large swaths of the country as the scale of the rebellion became clear. Defecting Syrian intelligence officers have reported that Assad released known "Islamist militants" from prison to subvert the peaceful protests. Visitors to Aleppo reported earlier this year that while the Jabhat al-Nusra HQ was left untouched, Assad forces pounded the FSA facilities.

It is hard to know whether Assad, who had a long-standing extremist "challenge" from Jund al-Sham before the 2010 crisis, could ever have predicted how ISIL would grow in size and lethality. However, faced with a choice of enemies, ISIL at present serves the dual purpose for Damascus of splitting and hurting the opposition while keeping the attention of those who could pursue regime change on a different threat level.

US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel's "leaked memo" criticised Obama's plan for not having a clear policy towards Assad and Syria. Kobane is hiding the cracks in wider US policy, and its biggest impact is giving Assad a free hand to effectively consolidate its own conspiracy theory. 

Sunday, November 2, 2014

US plan for proxy army to fight Isis in Syria suffers attack

Syrian opposition leader blames Washington for rout as air strikes on Isis seen as aiding Assad crackdown
The Guardian
The US plan to rally proxy ground forces to complement its air strikes against Isis militants in Syria is in tatters after jihadis ousted Washington’s main ally from its stronghold in the north over the weekend.
The attack on the Syrian Revolutionary Front (SRF) by the al-Qaida-aligned Jabhat al-Nusra came after weeks of clashes between the two groups around the city of Idlib, which has remained one of the last bastions of regime control in northern Syria throughout the civil war.
Militants overran the command centre of the SRF’s leader, Jamal Maarouf, in Deir Sonbol in a humiliating rout that came as US and Arab air forces continued to attack Isis in the Kurdish town of Kobani, 300 miles east, in an effort to prevent the town from falling.
In Iraq, Isis has reportedly killed over 230 members of a tribe in western Anbar province in the last ten days, including dozens of women and children. The killings were some of the worst bloodshed in the country since the militants swept through northern Iraq in June.
The defeat of Maarouf is a serious blow to the US strategy of building a proxy coalition against Isis. It comes amid a groundswell of anger at the US strikes across the opposition-held north, which have done nothing to slow the intensity of attacks from Bashar al-Assad’s air force, especially in Aleppo.
“We thought the Americans were going to help us,” said an SRF spokesman. “But not only have they abandoned us, they have been helping the tyrant Bashar instead. We will move past this betrayal and get back to Jebel al-Zawiya [the group’s heartland], but it is going to take some time.”
As strikes led by the US and joined by Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the UAE have continued to target Isis, operations by the Syrian air force have intensified across the country, with a sharp rise reported from the ground of barrel bombs – large, improvised explosives pushed from the back of helicopters that cause indiscriminate destruction.
In the past fortnight alone, at least 401 barrel bombs have been dropped on rebel areas across eight Syrian provinces, claims the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which monitors attacks on regime and opposition-held parts of the country. The attacks have reportedly killed more than 200 civilians and an unknown number of fighters.
At least four barrel bombs hit a refugee camp near Idlib last Wednesday in attacks that the US state department described as barbaric.
A survivor from one of the camps, Haithem Ahmed, who fled with his family to Turkey, said the regime had been emboldened by the US attacks on a common enemy and was acting with increasing impunity.
“It is obvious that the US is supporting Assad,” he said. “Don’t bother trying to argue with me or anyone else about it. They are aiding the war against us. Their leaders are weak and they are liars.”
The US defence secretary, Chuck Hagel, is reported to have warned national security adviser Susan Rice of a blowback among opposition communities in northern Syria because US strategy against Assad has not been clearly defined.
Turkey has been pushing vehemently for the establishment of a no-fly zone over parts of northern Syria, which would protect the civilian population. However, such a plan has yet to gain momentum and, if taken to the UN security council, is likely to be vetoed by Syria’s allies Russia and China.
Maarouf, a former construction worker turned leader of more than 30,000 men, had been one of the few beneficiaries of limited US military supplies to the Syrian opposition. Saudi Arabia also started to send weapons to his fighters in January 2013.
Increasingly desperate calls from Marouf and his forces had gone unanswered since Friday, and by early Saturday large numbers of SRF forces were forced to withdraw. Jabhat al-Nusra said many of Maarouf’s men had defected to its ranks.
Until it lost primacy to Isis in April last year, Jabhat al-Nusra had been the pre-eminent jihadist group among the patchwork of ideologies and agendas that comprise the Syrian opposition. Since then, al-Nusra had acted as an auxiliary group, fighting sometimes alongside the SRF and at other times with the second opposition umbrella group, the Islamic Front, which has been backed by Qatar and Turkey.
Al-Nusra had been reeling over the past six weeks since more than 50 of its members were killed in the opening salvo of US air strikes, which it had thought were intended only for Isis.
Since then, its leaders have been partly reconciled with Isis in northern Syria, sending commanders and men to fight in joint operations. There were unconfirmed reports that Isis members had joined al-Nusra in the battle for Maarouf’s village.
Elsewhere, Isis remains on the back foot in Kobani, after committing far more forces than it expected in an effort to take the town, close to the Turkish border. Kurdish Peshmerga forces from northern Iraq entered Kobani over the weekend and two heavy field guns they brought with them on the overland journey though Turkey are proving decisive in holding back Isis forces, who still occupy about half of the town.
Kobani has become a defining struggle between Isis and the US, as much as it is between the jihadis and the Kurds who, with US help, beat back an advance on Irbil in August. If Isis was able to take Kobani it could boast a significant victory. A victory over the secular Kurds would help advance its hardline interpretation of Islam, which has seen it rule areas it controls along strict medieval precepts that are rooted in an uncompromising understanding of Islamic teachings.

Iraq: Survivors Describe Mosque Massacre

Pro-government militias are becoming emboldened and their crimes more shocking. Iraqi authorities and Iraq’s allies alike have ignored this horrific attack and then they wonder why the militant group Islamic State has had such appeal among Sunni communities.
Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director

Militias, Local Police Killed 34 at Friday prayer

(Erbil) – Victims of a massacre in a mosque in Diyala province by Iraqi pro-government militias and security forces recognized the attackers and knew them by name. The Iraqi government should promptly make public any investigation of the attack on the Musab Bin Omair mosque on August 22, 2014, which killed 34 people, and bring those responsible to justice.

According to accounts by five witnesses, including one survivor of the attack, armed men, some wearing civilian clothes and others in police uniforms, attacked the mosque at midday in the village of Imam Weiss in Hamreen, Diyala province, about 50 kilometers northeast of Baaquba, the provincial capital. The attackers shot to death 32 men, one woman, and one 17-year-old boy, all of whom witnesses said were civilians who were attending Friday prayer when they were killed, with PK-type and AK-47 Russian-made automatic weapons, the witnesses said. All of the witnesses said they recognized the attackers and knew them by name.

Pro-government militias are becoming emboldened and their crimes more shocking,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director. “Iraqi authorities and Iraq’s allies alike have ignored this horrific attack and then they wonder why the militant group Islamic State has had such appeal among Sunni communities.”

Witnesses, all of whom asked Human Rights Watch not to reveal their identities for their protection, said the shooting began at about 12:10 p.m., during the imam’s Friday speech. A survivor, who was inside the Sunni mosque, said he saw a man enter wearing the dark green T-shirt, pants, and headband typically worn by militiamen affiliated with Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq, a pro-government militia. He was carrying a PK-type automatic weapon.

“He shouted, ‘Do not move. No one leave!’” the witness said. “He aimed his first shot at the sheikh [imam], and then he continued shooting at the rest of us. When I heard the first gunshot I dropped to the ground.”

The gunman continued shooting at random, the witness said. ”People were on the ground screaming and crying, saying, “Allahu akbar [God is great], La ilaha illa Allah [there is no God but God].”

Three of the witnesses entered the mosque after this first attack. They said they saw eight armed men leaving the mosque. When they entered, they saw about 10 people who appeared to be already dead and about 30 more injured. “What I saw was indescribable, inhuman,” one said. “Most of the people were injured, not dead, and were crying out for water and for help with their injuries. I saw a man whose left side of his head was completely blown off.”

Two witnesses said they had begun carrying the wounded into the garden in front of the mosque when, after about 10 minutes, they heard more shooting as a second group of between 20 and 30 armed men headed toward the mosque. The witnesses fled, leaving the wounded behind. Another witness who was watching from his house about 100 meters away confirmed this account.

All of the witnesses said they then heard screams and more gunshots. The second round of shooting lasted approximately 15 minutes, they said.

The witnesses told Human Rights Watch that all of the 34 dead except one were from the Beni Weiss, a Sunni tribe in Diyala. None of the witnesses knew the reason for the attack, but one said he believed it was in retaliation for an attack with an improvised explosive device earlier that day about 20 kilometers north of Imam Weiss that killed five militiamen. The witnesses all said there were no fighters in or around Imam Weiss at the time of the attack.

The witnesses said there was an army checkpoint about 200 meters from the mosque and a police checkpoint about 150 meters from the mosque, but that no security forces responded to the attack even though the shooting was broadcast over the mosque loudspeaker and could be heard from at least 600 meters away, where one witness heard the shooting from his home.

Two witnesses said they called for army assistance and for an ambulance, but none arrived until nearly an hour later. At about 1:30 p.m., they said, soldiers from the 5th brigade of the army’s 20th division arrived in an army ambulance and a cargo truck, which carried the dead to the hospital morgue in Muqdadiyya, 15 kilometers away.

The survivor said that he was among a half dozen people who survived the shootings. He said his cousin sought treatment at the local hospital but left after doctors warned him that militiamen were heading to the hospital to kill survivors seeking treatment there. Human Rights Watch reviewed the cousin’s medical records, dated August 22, which indicated that he required an operation and plastic surgery due to a bullet wound in his right arm that crushed the bone and created an abscess.

The witnesses and three other residents said that sectarian tensions in the town had escalated after fighters of the militant group Islamic State (also known as ISIS) took over the city of Mosul on June 10. While the largely Shia militias were already there, working with the security forces, after June 10, militias took control of the police and army, witnesses and residents said. Imam Weiss has a population of about 500 families, 300 of them Sunni and 200 Shia, the residents said.

On October 22, in response to Human Rights Watch’s request for information about the attack, Interior Ministry Spokesman General Saad Maan Ibrahim told Human Rights Watch that the Interior Ministry had formed an “investigation commission” to look at the attack, which determined three suspects had carried out the killings. Maan did not know whether the judiciary had set a date for their hearings.

Maan said the killings were in response to an IED explosion that killed a number of volunteer fighters driving into Imam Weiss early morning on August 22. “We heard that some of their relatives, two or three, went to that mosque carrying AKs and opened fired on the mosque, killing them all, which was a normal, spontaneous reaction of revenge,” Maan said. “It was a revenge operation for what they lost.” None of the relatives of the victims knew whom the investigative committee had held responsible for the crime, the charges against them or whether there would be a public trial.

The August 22 attack is consistent with a pattern of attacks that Human Rights Watch has documented, including kidnappings and summary executions, by Shia militias Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq, the Badr Brigades, and Kita’ib Hezbollah in Baghdad, Diyala and Babel provinces.

Foreign governments should stop providing Iraq with military support and assistance until the government ensures that such widespread war crimes and crimes against humanity have ended, including ensuring those responsible for such crimes are held accountable, Human Rights Watch said.

The United States has sent Iraq military aid and in August began air strikes against ISIS targets. Militias have taken over at least some of the areas where the US has carried out air strikes, according to accounts from area residents.

In September, a Human Rights Watch researcher saw a convoy of 10 to 12 cars filled with militiamen carrying heavy weapons and new-model M-16s in Baghdad. The militiamen pointed their weapons at traffic to force other cars to the side to let them pass, and drove through a federal police checkpoint without being stopped.

“Iraq’s international allies cannot allow the fight against the abusive extremists of ISIS to be carte blanche for the Iraqi government's allies to callously kill civilians who happen to be Sunnis,” Stork said.
Witness Accounts of the Attack on the Musab Bin Omair Mosque
Four witnesses said they heard the imam’s Friday speech, which was broadcast over the mosque loudspeaker from the center of the town, interrupted by shooting and screaming at about 12:10 p.m. One witness said he immediately ran toward the mosque:
When I first heard the shooting, I ran to the mosque because my brother was there. I live about 200 meters away, and by the time I got there the shooting had stopped. As I was running to the mosque I saw armed men from Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq and local police, there were 8 of them altogether, leaving the mosque.
Another witness who arrived at the mosque between the first and second shooting described the scene:
I found a massacre. My father was lying there missing both of his arms. I found my oldest brother next. He had an enormous bullet wound that had entered in the back right side of his neck and exited through his mouth. He was still alive. Then the armed men came back, and I had to run to save my life. After they left, my family was dead. My oldest brother had two new gunshot wounds, one on the right side of chest and another on the left side of his stomach.
The attack survivor said he survived because a large man, around 50 years old, shielded him:
I was located opposite a shooter. When he was firing I was on the ground, stuck between the wall and [the man’s] heavy body. I could feel the bullets penetrating him, and coming towards me. But, alhamdulillah [praise be to God], my wounds were not heavy.
The survivor said that seven of his nine family members who were at the mosque at the time died, four on the spot and the others later in the hospital. Only he and a cousin survived, he said. The survivor said he recognized the shooter as his neighbor, and named him.

One of the witnesses who had carried his brother to the mosque garden said he ran to a nearby house as the second group of attackers approached. From there he watched the rest of the scene:
I was scared to stand on the balcony for fear they would see me because I was so close by – the mosque is surrounded by houses and I was in one of the houses right next to it. But I stood there long enough to see [name withheld] entering with about 20 other men. I recognized them all, their faces were uncovered and I’ve known them for decades – we’ve lived together for more than 30 years. They were carrying PKs and AK-47s. I heard them shooting for 15 minutes, not continuously. After I saw them leave I went back into the mosque, and almost all the people who were injured before were now dead.
Human Rights Watch viewed photos and videos witnesses said they took several hours after the attacks. They showed large bullet holes above the mosque minbar, or pulpit, in all of the walls of the mosque, and large blood stains throughout the mosque. Many of the bloodstains were concentrated in the corners of the mosque, indicating that people huddled in corners to avoid being shot.

One witness and a relative of some of those killed who is a high-ranking member of the Beni Weiss tribe said that militiamen shot another witness to the shooting 10 days later after he crossed a checkpoint in the Imam Weiss area. Neither saw the shooting, but said two female relatives, who were in the car with the witness, described how four men in a black Mercedes followed them through the checkpoint, drove up beside their car and shot the witness point blank. He died immediately, they said.

The witnesses said forensic authorities initially refused to issue death certificates for some of their relatives among the dead. “At first they didn’t want to release the total number killed,” one witness said.

Human Rights Watch reviewed the 34 death certificates. The names and ages corresponded to those of the victims the witnesses named. All listed the date of death as August 22 and the cause of death as “bullet wounds,” but 28 had been issued on August 23 and 6 on August 27.

The witnesses and survivors, who have remained in Imam Weiss, told Human Rights Watch they fear for their lives but that they have no place to go. They said that Ra’id Dahlaqy, a member of parliament, and two Interior Ministry representatives came to Imam Weiss in the days following the attack to investigate, but that they had refused to release results to family members, saying the investigation was secret. The four witnesses and relatives of the victims filed a court case against the 20 to 30 men they saw carrying out the attack, but no date has been set for a hearing, they said.

List of the Dead
Nadir Chelub Shatab, 45
Ahmed Mohamed Khalil, 30
Qahlan Mizher Mehdi, 25
Ali Mehdi Saleh, 45 (imam)
Bashir Abed Hussein, 25
Adnan Abdelwahhab, 45
Abdelwahhab Alsaoud Abbas, 50
Husseib Hussein Maher, 70
Ali Jawwad Aidan, 30-35
Abbas Mohsen Faisal, 40
Adnan Mohsen Khudhair Faisal, 43
Abdelsammad Ali Mehdi, 25
Faisal Mizher Mehdi, 27
Aysab Abbas Mohsen, 40
Mizher Mehdi Saleh, 55
Adnan Lafta Faisal, 52
Qahtan Khalaf Karkas, 25
Abelrahman Najim Abdullah, 25
Ali Ibrahim Lafta, 33
Habiba Abdelkarim Majid, 41
Abdullah Lafta Faisal, 50
Ammar Ahmed Qawwad, 38
Alwan Nasser Hussein, 46
Yousif Mohsen Faisal, 38
Hussein Saleh Bati, 58
Qassem Hashim Abdullah, 45
Ghazy Mizher Mehdi, 40
Suleiman Dawoud Mahmoud, 48
Othman Najim Abdullah, 17
Sabbar Abbas Mohsen, 21
Alaa Abbas Mohsen, 19
Aws Abdlukarim Murad, 36
Mohamed Qawwad Manaa, 56
Ayyoub Abbas Mohsen, 25

NONE DARE CALL IT A DEFEAT

By Eric Margolis

November 1, 2014
“Lord of our far-flung battle-line,
Beneath whose awful Hand we hold
Dominion over palm and pine—
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
Lest we forget—lest we forget!
Far-called, our navies melt away;
On dune and headland sinks the fire:
Lo, all our pomp of yesterday
Is one with Nineveh and Tyre!
Judge of the Nations, spare us yet,
Lest we forget—lest we forget!”
Rudyard Kipling “Recessional”
The last British soldiers were airlifted out of Afghanistan last week, marking the sorry end of Britain’s fourth failed invasion of Afghanistan. With them went the last detachment of US Marines in Helmand.
Well has Afghanistan earned its title, “Graveyard of Empires.”
To be more precise, this honor belongs to Afghanistan’s Pashtun (or Pathan) mountain tribes, who bend their knees for no man and take pride in war.
In my book, “War at the Top of the World,” I called Pashtun “the bravest men on earth.” Later, I would add the fierce Chechen to that illustrious fraternity.
The old imperialists are gone, but the occupation of Afghanistan continues. The new regime in Kabul just installed by Washington to replace uncooperative former ally Hamid Karzai, rushed to sign an “agreement” allowing the United States to keep some 10,000 soldiers in Afghanistan for years. This garrison will be exempt from all Afghan laws.
However, there’s much more to this arrangement. The US combat troops, tactfully labeled “trainers” or “counter-terrorist forces,” are too few in number to dominate all Afghanistan. Their task is to defend Kabul’s sock puppet government from its own people and to defend the all-important US Bagram airbase.
Washington clearly plans to continue ruling Afghanistan and Iraq the same way that the British Empire did. Small numbers of British troops garrisoned the capital; white officers led the native mercenary army. But Britain’s real power was exercised by RAF units based in Iraq and Northwest Frontier Province.
Any native “disturbance” would be bombed and strafed by the RAF. In the 1920’s, Winston Churchill authorized RAF to use poison gas bombs against restive Pashtun and Kurdish tribesmen. Ironically, seven decades later I discovered British scientists who had been sent by HM government to Iraq to build germ weapons for Saddam Hussein to use against Iran.
Similarly, the “Pax Americana” will be enforced by US airpower based at Bagram. US warplanes flying from Bagram, Qatar, and aircraft carriers on 24 hour call have been the only force keeping the Pashtun movement Taliban at bay. Without intense employment of US air power, western occupation forces, like the Imperial British armies before them, would have been driven from Afghanistan.
Without US air power, garrison troops and large numbers of “civilian contractors” and old-fashioned mercenaries the Kabul puppet regime would soon be swept away. Afghanistan’s government army is likely to collapse as quickly as Iraq’s did before ISIS. Most of southern Afghanistan would declare for Taliban which, however harsh, is the nation’s only authentic political movement apart from the Tajik and Uzbek Communists in the north.
The US garrison in Kabul will continue to make Afghanistan safe for opium, which is the base for heroin. Americans have simply turned a blind eye to their ownership if the world’s top producer of heroin.
As Washington orates about the so-called War on Drugs, Afghan opium production rose in 2013 from $2 billion to $3 billion. The UN says over 500,000 acres of land in Afghanistan are now devoted to the opium poppy – right under the eyes of the US garrison.
While US-installed rulers in Kabul pay lip service to opium eradication, the rural warlords who support them, and receive stipends from CIA, continue to grow rich on the opium trade. Trying to blame Taliban for the scourge of opium is dishonest: when Taliban was in power it eradicated almost all of the nation’s opium production, reported he UN Drug Agency, except in the region controlled by the Communist Northern Alliance – which today shares power in Kabul.
When the full history of the Afghan war is finally written, CIA’s involvement in that nation’s drug trade will become a notorious episode. French intelligence became deeply involved in the Laotian opium trade to pay its Lao mercenaries. The US was up to its ears with its Contra allies in the Central American cocaine trade.
Now, US intelligence has besmirched its name once again aiding and abetting Afghan drug lords so as to supposedly wage war on “terrorists.” In dirt-poor Afghanistan, there are only two sources of income: money from Washington, and from narcotics. The collusion of senior members of government, military and police is necessary to export tons of opium to either Pakistan, Central Asia or Russia – where morphine addiction is now a major epidemic.
Adding to this shameful record, the US Congressional auditor for Special Reconstruction of Afghanistan just reported that much of the $104 billion appropriated for Afghan “reconstruction” has to no surprise been wasted or stolen. Some of it has been used to irrigate opium poppy fields. Spare parts are unavailable for Russian helicopters bought by the US for use in battling Taliban and supposed opium fighting. Why? Because the US-imposed trade sanctions on Russia bars the US from buying the spare part. Catch-22.
By now, the longest war in US history has cost some $1 trillion, maybe more. No one can properly account for the billions and billions of US dollars flown into Afghanistan and Iraq and dished out to the natives – or the numbers of Afghans killed.
For Washington’s allies, like Canada and Britain, the war has been a total waste of lives and treasure. For Canada, 158 dead for nothing; for Britain 453. Forget all the phony claims about “mission” and “nation building.” This has been yet another dirty little colonial war that is better forgotten – and never repeated.
So this war will simmer on, at least until Washington finds some face-saving way out of the mess in the Hindu Kush.
If the US was wise, it would simply quit Afghanistan. But power, like opium, is highly addictive. So America’s longest war will drag on and on.
copyright Eric S. Margolis 2014

اتفاق بين السيسي ونتنياهو لـ"تضييق غير مسبوق على غزة" -


كشف دبلوماسي غربي لـ "العربي الجديد"، التفاصيل الدقيقة والكاملة لعملية إقامة المنطقة العازلة على حدود مصر مع قطاع غزة، التي بدأ تنفيذها الجيش المصري في الأيام الماضية، عبر ترحيل سكان الشريط الحدودي وتهجيرهم وتدمير مساكنهم. والمنطقة العازلة مع قطاع غزة، ستقام على مرحلتين، وتأتي بطول 11 كيلومتراً، وعرض يتراوح بين خمسمئة وألف متر.
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إقامة المنطقة العازلة تأتي نتيجة اتفاق تم بين الرئيس المصري ورئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي

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وقال الدبلوماسي الغربي، الذي اشترط عدم ذكر اسمه، إن إقامة المنطقة العازلة تأتي نتيجة اتفاق تم بين الرئيس المصري عبد الفتاح السيسي ورئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي بنيامين نتنياهو، خلال الاتصال الهاتفي بينهما أثناء العدوان الإسرائيلي على قطاع غزة.

وذكر الدبلوماسي، أن نتنياهو تعهد للسيسي بعدم استبدال الوسيط المصري في مفاوضات وقف إطلاق النار، وعدم القبول بالتدخل القطري التركي الذي شهدت تحركاته زخماً لدى الإدارة الأميركية وبعض الأطراف الأوروبية خلال العدوان على غزة.

واشترط نتنياهو، وفق الدبلوماسي الغربي، إحياء مشروع إقامة منطقة عازلة مع قطاع غزة لمنع تدفق الأسلحة والوسائل القتالية إلى القطاع، مقابل عدم الرضوخ للضغط الأميركي والغربي الذي يدفع باتجاه التفاوض، على أساس الورقة التي سلّمتها قطر وتركيا إلى وزير الخارجية الأميركي جون كيري.

وكانت قطر وتركيا تحركتا لوقف العدوان الإسرائيلي على قطاع غزة، عبر حملهما شروطاً من المقاومة لوقف عملياتها مقابل وقف العدوان تسلمتها واشنطن، وذلك بعدما أحجم النظام المصري عن القيام بدوره المعتاد في إدارة ملف الوساطة حول وقف إطلاق النار.
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التضييق على قطاع غزة سيصل إلى مرحلة غير مسبوقة من جهة الحدود المصرية

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وكانت "العربي الجديد" قد كشفت خلال العدوان الإسرائيلي على غزة، أن الورقة المصرية لوقف إطلاق النار، جاءت بطلب مباشر من نتنياهو للسيسي، لمنع تحقيق الورقة التي تحملها قطر وتركيا أي إنجاز، وهو ما حدث إذ قدمت مصر مبادرة سخية لإسرائيل، رفضتها حركتا "حماس" و"الجهاد الإسلامي".

وذكر الدبلوماسي الغربي، أن التضييق على قطاع غزة سيصل إلى مرحلة غير مسبوقة من جهة الحدود المصرية. ولفت إلى أن السلطات في القاهرة تخطط لما هو أبعد من المنطقة العازلة، عبر تفكيرها في حفر نفق على طول الحدود وإغراقه بالمياه، لمنع أي محاولة حفر أنفاق أسفل الحدود، لمنع تهريب وسائل قتالية للمقاومة في غزة.​

Rafah is gone with the wind

Dr Amira Abo el-Fetouh
Dr Amira Abo el-Fetouh
Dr Amira Abo el-Fetouh 

Saturday, 01 November 2014 15:22

The degree of madness and criminality attained by the coup regime is growing faster and more intense than we imagined. The people of Rafah living in the Egyptian city of Sinai have been displaced after their homes were bombed and the olive trees were uprooted in preparation for the establishment of the buffer zone. This same buffer zone was demanded by Israel and the US during Mubarak's rule, specifically in 2007 after the Israeli attack on Gaza, which the Islamic resistance bravely withstood.

The former regime did not dare to carry out such a measure and instead remained content with the separation wall (wall of shame) between Sinai and Gaza. All the while, the regime continued to besiege Gaza and destroy the tunnels, which are the only lifeline for the brave people of Gaza who have been besieged from all directions.
However, Al-Sisi has been installed into power to execute all of Israel's demands and implement its project. The current project pursued in the region is the complete elimination of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas), which the Zionist wars failed to get rid of and erase the word resistance from the minds of the Arabs.
It will also give Israel the freedom to deal with the region in any way it wants, after first fragmenting it into ethnic and sectarian mini-states that fight and dispute amongst each other, which is exactly the case in Syria, Iraq, and Libya.
These wars also failed to destroy the culture of resistance in the region and completely eradicate it so that Israel could enjoy security and safety.
Now Al-Sisi is playing the role assigned to him by considering the residents of Sinai enemies that must be fought and displaced from their land, which they inherited from their ancestors thousands of years ago. He created an enemy out of nowhere, but this will eventually result in real hostility because the people of Sinai now have a blood feud with Al-Sisi's regime after their children were killed for no reason and they were unjustly driven out of their homes.
Merely saying that there is no God but Allah has given Al-Sisi the right to kill them under the pretext of fighting terrorism and the global war on Islam. He is really pushing the people of Sinai towards having their revenge on his regime which made them feel alienated from the Egyptian state and exiled them.
It makes me feel very sad when I hear the people of Sinai say that they were safe under the Israeli occupation of Sinai after 1967 and that they were not subject to such heinous human rights violations by the Zionists. It is strange that when Al-Sisi was the defence minister, he said in December 2012 that if the Rafah area was evacuated, it would create a vendetta between the government and the people of Sinai and that it would pose a great danger to Egypt' national security.
What happened in 2014 that made the evacuation of Rafah so necessary to preserve Egypt's national security? How many crimes were committed by Al-Sisi in the name of Egypt's national security while our national security has nothing to do with them? Al-Sisi did not mention Egypt's national security when talking about the borders with Israel; are they safe from treachery as long as Al-Sisi implements Israel's strategic agenda in the region? Most importantly, if he thinks so, then he is like all the tyrants who do not care about their countries or their people. All they care about are their thrones. The country and the people can burn as long as their thrones are safe.

This is All That is Left of Palestinian "Resistance" in the West Bank, Thanks to the Stooge Abbas and his "Security Coordination" with the IOF

20141031_5.3

US-backed forces in Syria suffer big setback

McClatchy Foreign StaffNovember 1, 2014
 — Al Qaida-backed militants Saturday stormed the base of the most prominent civilian commander in the U.S.-backed Syrian rebel force, forcing him and his fighters to flee into hiding in the Jebal al Zawiya mountains of northern Syria.
Jamal Maarouf, a contractor in private life, became internationally known for leading the successful offensive in January that forced the Islamic State from most of two northern provinces. His ouster from his own village was an enormous setback for him, the rebel forces and his international backers.
Even more ominous was that that the Islamic State, now far stronger and claiming to run a Caliphate in Syria and Iraq, reportedly had joined Jabhat al Nusra in the attack on the village of Deir Sinbul.
The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a London-based opposition monitoring group, said Islamic State fighters had arrived from the east of Syria to join the al Qaida affiliate in the fight against Maarouf’s Revolutionaries of Syria Front.
And Mahmoud al Ugal, a commander in Marouf’s force, told McClatchy that the militant fighters had deployed at least 20 heavy machine guns. He said the Nusra fighters used tanks, mortars and Chechen snipers in the battle for Deir Sinbul, Maarouf’s home town.
Ugal said the fighters had traveled by convoy across the Syrian desert, an assertion that coincided with information McClatchy obtained from another Syrian rebel commander early in the week as the convoy was reportedly setting out. McClatchy contacted both the U.S. Central Command and Pentagon officials for comment on the report, but neither could confirm it.
If Islamic State fighters in fact joined Nusra in the attack, it will have major repercussions for the war in Syria, for the two groups have been divided since April 2013, when Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, the Iraq-based leader, announced the creation of the Islamic State. Nusra had supported the rebel war against Assad until very recently and also was at war with the Islamic State.
The Islamic State’s fighters are mostly foreign volunteers, while Nusra’s forces consist largely of Syrian fighters.
The latest developments also raise the question whether the U.S., which daily bombards jihadist positions in a small Kurdish enclave in northeastern Syria, was monitoring the other fronts in the Syrian war where the Islamic State is active.
Saturday’s fighting also confirmed that rebel forces, led by commanders such as Maarouf, who have been vetted by the CIA, now are fighting a three-front war against the regime, the Islamic State and Nusra, with only limited U.S. support.
Rebel leaders earlier this week pleaded in vain for U.S. help. “The war is widening now, and we are defending our existence,” Gen. Muhammad Hallak of the Syrian Revolutionary Front told McClatchy Wednesday. He warned that if the U.S.-led coalition of western and Arab countries “lets us down, then we will withdraw our forces from the front with the Islamic State and the regime, and work only to save ourselves.” Hallak, like Maarouf, has been vetted by the CIA and receives covert U.S. military aid.
The battle over Jebel al Zawiya, the first major stronghold controlled by the Syrian rebels fighting the Assad regime, began just a week ago. By Saturday Nusra had already captured a dozen rebel-controlled villages before reaching Deir Sinbul. In a statement on Twitter, Nusra accused Maarouf of “corruption” and “straying from the path of the revolution.”
Maarouf, in a video released on YouTube Saturday, said the Islamist forces had been attacking civilians and he had withdrawn his forces from his village into the mountains in order to save civilian lives.
The rise of Nusra, and its apparent collaboration with the Islamic State, casts a harsh light on the U.S. approach to Syria, which has been to bomb the Islamic State, and ignore the internal conflict between rebel forces and the Assad regime, which gave rise to the radical Islamists.
As moderate Syrian allies have lost ground, Nusra and the Islamic State have been the major gainers. Another commander in the rebel force told McClatchy that the current situation is the worst since the creation of the Free Syrian Army, an umbrella organization uniting locally based factions throughout the country.
He said as a result of the U.S.-led International Coalition’s decision to bomb the two Islamist groups but do nothing to stop the Syrian government’s assault on Syrian civilians, rebel fighters are reluctant to confront Nusra. The official could not be quoted by name because he was not authorized to speak to the news media. Other rebel commanders have said that the U.S. bombing has driven Syrian fighters to join Nusra.
The rebels’ severe setback Saturday contrasted with the situation in Kobani, about 90 miles to the east, where rebel units and Iraqi Peshmerga fighters, equipped with heavy weapons, arrived this past week in preparation for a drive to force the Islamic State to withdraw from the city. The U.S. led Coalition has mounted nearly 200 air strikes against Islamic State positions in Kobani, a city whose civilian population has fled to Turkey.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who’s been publicly sparring with President Obama over the U.S. approach to the war in Syria, fired his latest salvo over Kobani Friday while on a visit to Paris for talks with his French counterpart, Francois Hollande. Erdogan has been extremely reluctant to support the defenders of Kobani, on the grounds that the town’s rulers are affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers Party or PKK, which Turkey and the U.S. view as a terrorist group. he’s also been critical of the U.S. for turning Kobani into the central theater in the war against the Islamic State.
"Since there are no civilians in Kobani, where there only 2,000 fighters, why is that place constantly being bombed? It is impossible to understand,” he said.

Al-Jazeera Cartoon: Funds for Gaza "Reconstruction"

كاريكاتير: إعمار غزة