Tuesday, April 29, 2014

Syria: New Barrel Bombs Hit Aleppo

Attacks Defy UN, Hit Medical Facilities

President Assad is talking about elections, but for Aleppo’s residents, the only campaign they are witnessing is a military one of barrel bombs and indiscriminate shelling. It is time for Russia and China to stop blocking the Security Council and allow a weapons embargo on Syria’s government and other abusive groups.
Nadim Houry, deputy Middle East and North Africa director
(New York) – The Syrian government is indiscriminately striking civilians and civilian objects in Aleppo with unguided, high-explosive barrel bombs. The attacks continue despite a United Nations Security Council Resolution unanimously passed on February 22, 2014, demanding that all parties in Syria cease the indiscriminate use of barrel bombs and other weapons in populated areas. The UN will meet to discuss its second round of reporting on compliance with the resolution on April 30.

Since the passage of the resolution Human Rights Watch has documented at least 85 strike sites in neighborhoods of Aleppo city held by armed groups opposed to the government, including two government barrel bomb attacks on clearly marked official hospitals. Two doctors and administrators in these facilities told Human Rights Watch that there were no military targets nearby and they believe that the government intentionally attacked them.

“President Assad is talking about elections, but for Aleppo’s residents, the only campaign they are witnessing is a military one of barrel bombs and indiscriminate shelling,” said Nadim Houry, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “It is time for Russia and China to stop blocking the Security Council and allow a weapons embargo on Syria’s government and other abusive groups.”

Activists and the government have said that armed groups, particularly after they opened an offensive in early April, have shelled government-held parts of Aleppo in some cases with improvised weapons prone to indiscriminate affects when used to attack populated residential areas.

Witness statements, satellite imagery analysis, and video and photographic evidence reflect that government forces have not significantly reduced their bombardment rate of the city since passage of the Security Council Resolution. Human Rights Watch had previously identified at least 340 distinct damage sites in areas held by non-state armed groups in Aleppo between October 31, 2013, and February 20, 2014, a 113-day period, by analyzing four satellite images recorded over the city between that period.

In the 40 days between February 22 and April 2 Human Rights Watch has identified at least 85 additional major impact sites in neighborhoods of the city held by armed groups opposed to the government. A substantial majority of these identified sites have damage signatures that are strongly consistent with the detonation of barrel bombs.

Barrel bombs, and other high explosive unguided bombs, tend to create larger zones of building destruction than is typically seen with other types of air strikes and artillery fire, often with irregularly shaped blast craters of shallow depth with scalloped edges.

These unguided high explosive bombs are cheaply made, locally produced, and typically constructed from large oil drums, gas cylinders, and water tanks, filled with high explosives and scrap metal to enhance fragmentation, and then dropped from helicopters. The damage to a small number of the identified sites was probably caused by other explosive weapons, either bombs delivered by conventional aircraft or prolonged artillery shelling.

Additionally, there is strong evidence that government forces on the ground have fired hundreds of mortar and heavy artillery shells during this period, Human Rights Watch said.
Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that bombings had continued since the passage of the Security Council resolution and, in some cases, increased in residential areas across eastern parts of the city of Aleppo and in the countryside. Human Rights Watch collected statements about 10 air strikes since February 22 that witnesses said used barrel bombs. Based on witness statements, published fatality figures, and video and photographic evidence, these attacks killed over 150 people.

Damage sites from barrel bomb attacks were concentrated in the neighborhoods of Masaken Hanano, al-Sakhour, Terbet Lala, Helwaniye, Jabal Badro, al-Haidariya and Owaija. A substantial majority of these damage sites are concentrated in neighborhoods at some distance from front-line positions, with a high density of residential buildings. In most of the cases about which Human Rights Watch spoke to witnesses, the witnesses said there were no military targets nearby.

One local group, the Violations Documentation Center, reported that aerial attacks killed 651 civilians in Aleppo governorate between February 22 and April 22. The Syrian Network for Human Rights alsoreported that between February 22 and April 16, barrel bomb attacks killed at least 920 civilians in Syria, over half of them in Aleppo governorate.

According to the Aleppo City Medical Council, an independent non-profit organization providing medical services in Aleppo city, four of their field hospitals admitted 589 people injured in barrel bomb attacks between February 22 and April 17 and 51 of them died from their injuries.

A doctor working in these hospitals told Human Rights Watch that government forces also attacked some of the medical facilities themselves, using barrel bombs. He said that barrel bombs hit two official hospitals marked as such in Aleppo, in the Hanano and al-Shaar neighborhoods. The location of the two hospitals, which are official hospitals predating the conflict, would be known to the government. The doctor told Human Rights Watch that the government began targeting hospitals with aerial attacks around January and struck hospitals in Hanano, al-Sukari, al-Sakhour, and al-Shaar.

Human Rights Watch has also received information about indiscriminate shelling by non-state armed groups opposed to the government. In early April, opposition forces opened an offensive attacking al-Layramoun and al-Zahraa neighborhoods of Aleppo. According to SANA, Syria’s state run news agency, as well as video footage reviewed by Human Rights Watch, the groups used mortars as well as an improvised rocket fitted with a gas canister – locally referred to as “hell's cannon” – for attacks that hit residential areas in government-controlled areas, including al-Hamdania, Ashrafieh, Sulaymania, al-Midan, Jamila, and Khalidiya.

Articles published by SANA indicate that 40 civilians were killed and another 149 injured in government-held territory during the period of these attacks. In one video reviewed by Human Rights Watch, fighters opposed to the government announced their offensive and warned residents to leave areas near military targets. However, at least some of the improvised weapons used are prone to indiscriminate effects when used to attack populated residential areas.

By using barrel bombs on densely populated areas, Syrian government forces also used means and methods of warfare that could not distinguish between civilians and combatants, making attacks indiscriminate and therefore unlawful.

Military commanders should not, as a matter of policy, order the use of explosive weapons with wide-area effects in populated areas due to the foreseeable harm to civilians, Human Rights Watch said. Military commanders should also never order strikes on protected civilian objects, including medical facilities and personnel, Human Rights Watch said.

In its February 22 resolution demanding that fighting parties cease using indiscriminate weapons in populated areas, the UN Security Council explicitly expressed “its intent to take further steps in the case of non-compliance with this resolution.”
Given Syria’s continuing air war against civilian areas, the Security Council should impose an arms embargo on Syria’s government, as well as on any groups implicated in widespread or systematic human rights abuses. Such an embargo would limit the Syrian government’s ability to conduct aerial attacks that violate international law, including by ensuring that Syria does not receive new helicopters or have its current helicopters serviced overseas. The Security Council should also impose a travel ban and an asset freeze on individuals credibly implicated in grave abuses, and refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, Human Rights Watch said. 
Further, in light of compelling evidence that the Syrian army and security forces are responsible for ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity against Syria’s people, companies, and individuals that provide arms, ammunition, or materiel to Syria, or to non-state armed groups that have been implicated in crimes against humanity or war crimes, risk complicity in these crimes, Human Rights Watch warned.

Under international law, providing weapons to forces or armed groups in Syria that are likely to be used in the commission of crimes against humanity may amount to assisting in the commission of those crimes. Any arms supplier could bear potential criminal liability as an accessory to those crimes and could face prosecution, Human Rights Watch said.

“Two months after the passage of a unanimous Security Council resolution demanding an end to indiscriminate attacks, the council finally needs to act to give meaning to its words – if for not its own credibility, then for the long-suffering Syrians,” Houry said.

For more details on the barrel bomb strikes, please see below.

Medical Facilities Under Attack

Barrel bomb strike on hospital in the Hanano neighborhood, April 21, 2014 
Yousef (names have been changed to protect the identity of the witnesses), a doctor working in Aleppo city, told Human Rights Watch that on April 21 two barrel bombs struck an official hospital in Hanano, injuring patients and a member of the medical staff and causing extensive damage to the hospital, leaving it unable to operate. A video posted of the damaged hospital shows that it is clearly marked, with the hospital’s name displayed across the front of the building.

He told Human Rights Watch: “There are three operating rooms and we were setting up ICU rooms, but now the hospital is no longer operational. We closed it because there is no roof anymore and the main walls are completely destroyed. The generator was also destroyed by the airstrike, causing a fire at the main entrance.” Yousef told Human Rights Watch that the closest front line was three kilometers away.

Videos posted on YouTube reflect some of the damage caused by the aerial attacks on Hanano on April 21.

Hospital struck in al-Shaar, April 13
Yousef, the doctor working in Aleppo city, told Human Rights Watch that on April 13 two barrel bombs hit an official hospital in al-Shaar, causing damage to the hospital’s infrastructure.

He said that while no one was injured inside the hospital, 20 civilians were killed outside.

The Violations Documentation Center has identified three people killed by aerial attacks in al-Shaar on April 13. Yousef also said that the second bomb, which was dropped minutes after the first, injured an ambulance driver who went out to help the wounded, resulting in the amputation of one of his feet.

Several videos posted on YouTube show the impact of the strike on al-Shaar on April 13 and on the clearly marked hospital, with the hospital’s name written across the building.

Yousef told Human Rights Watch there were no military targets near the strike sites, adding: “They [the international community] promised us that they would work on keeping hospitals neutral and not subjecting them to the government’s violence, but hospitals in Aleppo are constantly being targeted with barrel bombs that are impeding our work…There are absolutely no front lines near the hospitals. In each hospital there is one armed guard who protects the hospital but he has nothing to do with the Free Syrian Army.”

Barrel Bomb Attacks In Aleppo Governorate Since February 22

Al-Fardous neighborhood, April 20
Malek, a member of the Aleppo Media Center who lives in al-Fardous, told Human Rights Watch that on April 20 at about 5 p.m., he saw a helicopter drop two barrel bombs on the neighborhood, the first within 50 meters of his house. “When the first barrel bomb fell the window glass in the apartment fell on our heads,” he said. “The second barrel fell less than one minute after the first barrel.”

Malek went to the strike sites after the attacks and saw that the first bomb fell on the main street next to the al-Fardous Local Council aid distribution office, injuring at least 20 people. He described the scene:
It was a chaotic scene because the barrel fell on the main street packed with civilians at that hour during the day. I saw children and women injured. I remember seeing six injured children. They were less than 15. I don’t remember how many women I saw. Their injuries were from the shrapnel. I am sure there were many more injuries. I don’t remember how many killed because the civil defense team was there removing corpses and helping the injured.
Malek said that the second barrel fell next to an intersection with a traffic light, and that there he saw four injured men, an injured child with her mother, and one man who was killed. He estimated that the strike sites were 150 to 200 meters away from each other.

On April 22, Dr. Fadi Hakim, the deputy chief of the Aleppo Health Office of the opposition-affiliated Council of Free Aleppo Governorate, told Human Rights Watch that barrel bomb attacks on the al-Fardous neighborhood killed at least 28 people on April 20. “I have carried four martyrs at least today from the ER in… [the hospital where I was working] during the Triage in the aftermath of Al-Fardous neighborhood bombing with TNT barrels,” he wrote to Human Rights Watch in an email.

The Violations Documentation Center reported that 39 civilians were killed in airstrikes on April 20 in al-Fardous, including 8 children and 3 women.

Several videos posted on YouTube also show the aftermath of the strikes on April 20.

Malek said that the front line is 4 kilometers from al-Fardous and that there are no bases for non-state armed groups in the vicinity of the attack.

Hreitan, April 12
Loutfi, a local resident, told Human Rights Watch that on the afternoon of April 12 he witnessed a barrel bomb attack that killed at least nine civilians, including at least two children and four women. “I was a few meters away from where the barrel was dropped,” he said. “I saw it coming down… Everything happened so fast.” Loutfi said that the area that was struck was residential and that it was full of people.

He identified the people killed in the attack as Malek Hijazi, 45; Jana Malek Hijazi, 7; Ruweida Azizi, 32; Fatme Hijazi, 10; Mostapha Khalil Sekhnyet, 35; Latifa Mohamad Selmou, 30; Raghda’ Hamid Qreish, 32; Samira Qreish, 40; and one unknown person. He said that another 20 were injured. Two women who were on the scene were still missing when Loutfi spoke to Human Rights Watch on April 16 and their fate was unknown.

The Violations Documentation Center has identified 10 fatalities from aerial attacks on Hreitan on April 12, including the eight people named by Loutfi and two unidentified people. Several videos published on YouTube also show the aftermath of the barrel bomb attack and efforts to remove deceased and injured civilians from affected buildings.

Loutfi said that Hreitan is approximately 10 kilometers from the front line and that there are no bases for armed groups in the town.

Al-Ansari al-Sharqi neighborhood, April 8
Jamal, a resident of al-Ansari al-Sharqi, told Human Rights Watch that on April 8 he witnessed two barrel bomb attacks on the populated residential neighborhood, when bombs fell about 200 meters from where he was. He said he knew they were barrel bombs because of the distinctive sound the bombs make and because he saw the second bomb falling. The bombs fell around 100 to 150 meters apart, he said. “The first barrel bomb fell on a building that is five stories,” he said. “The building luckily was empty. The second barrel bomb fell on another building, injuring a woman, her 14-year-old son and her 1-year-old girl. They were injured from the shrapnel.”

Several videos posted on YouTube also show the aftermath of the strike and efforts by civil defense members to rescue wounded residents.

Jamal said that there were no military targets in the vicinity of the strike, including bases, and that the front line is approximately one kilometer away.

Al-Shaar neighborhood, April 4
Fawzi, a local resident, told Human Rights Watch that on April 4 at around 9:30 a.m. two barrel bombs struck a bakery and vegetable market within meters and minutes of one another in al-Shaar neighborhood. He told Human Rights Watch that he arrived nearby just as the second bomb fell. “I arrived and saw four or five cars completely burned,” he said. “I saw people injured inside the cars, but they were still alive. I saw at least six or seven injured men just in these cars. There were several other people injured.”

Fawzi told Human Rights Watch that the market and bakery were both open and that as a result a lot of civilians were there. He estimated that 40 civilians, including women and children, were injured in the strikes.

He told Human Rights Watch that on that day he saw the bodies of 33 people who had been killed. “I remember counting them when we lined the bodies to take a picture,” he said.

Images posted on Facebook show at least 10 corpses of people that accompanying text said had been killed in al-Shaar on April 4. Other images were posted of people who had been injured.

The Violations Documentation Center identified 16 civilians killed in aerial attacks on al-Shaar on April 4.

Fawzi described al-Shaar as a residential neighborhood, 4 kilometers from the front line, without any bases or barracks for non-state armed groups.

Al-Sakhour neighbourhood, April 2 and 4
Two residents told Human Rights Watch about barrel bomb attacks on the al-Sakhour neighborhood on the morning of April 2 that killed civilians. Ahmad, who was in the neighborhood at the time of the attack, filmed its aftermath, and helped injured residents, said that a helicopter first dropped one barrel bomb next to an empty school and minutes later dropped a second approximately 50 meters away, on a pedestrian bridge.

A video published on YouTube on April 2 by Halab News shows the aftermath of a strike in the al-Sakhour neighborhood in which a footbridge is visible and people are seen rescuing residents injured in the attack.

Ahmad told Human Rights Watch that he saw the second bomb fall, and that he knew both were barrel bombs because of the sound the bombs made while falling and because the bombs take longer to drop than rockets. Salim, a second witness, also told Human Rights Watch that he recognized that the attack was with barrel bombs because of their sound and that he too saw the second bomb fall.

Ahmad saw one woman and three other residents injured from the first bomb. “The woman was on the street next to the school when the barrel fell,” he said. He said the second barrel bomb also killed passengers in a minibus that was hit:
When I went to the micro bus I saw one man with his leg amputated by the shrapnel. He’s in his early 20s and he was next to the micro bus. I also saw two men who were killed, both of them were passengers in their 30s. I saw a girl maybe about 10 years old who was injured and her father was trying to help her. He was injured as well. They were also micro bus passengers.  
Salim, who also went to the scene of the attack minutes after the second barrel bomb fell, described the strike: “The micro bus was filled with passengers. I went to the micro bus. It was a catastrophe. Most of the passengers were killed. I think around 12 killed. I only saw a child, woman and man injured. The child was around 4 or 5 years. I stopped filming and helped her. We took her to the field hospital. She had injuries everywhere in her body. She was covered with blood.”

Videos and photographs posted on YouTube and Facebook are identified as showing the bus that was hit in al-Sakhour on April 2. In several of these images, injured residents are seen being pulled out of the bus, including one girl. Images of another injured girl were also published. Text with several other images says they show residents wrapped or covered in cloth who had been killed in the attack, including one girl.

The Violations Documentation Center reported that six civilians were killed in aerial attacks on April 2 in Al-Sakhour.

Both Ahmad and Salim told Human Rights Watch that the bombs on April 2 fell far from the front line, approximately one kilometer away. Salim told Human Rights Watch that there was an FSA checkpoint about 200 meters from the scene of the attack.

Marwan, a local resident, told Human Rights Watch that barrel bombs also hit the al-Sakhour neighborhood on April 4, striking the Abu Bakr al-Sadiq mosque and also destroying three homes. He said that he arrived on the scene minutes after the strike and saw one girl around 15 years old who had been killed in the attack along with a 10- or 11-year-old boy and that five or six other civilians who were temporarily trapped under the rubble were also injured.

Videos published on YouTube also reflect that a mosque and homes were struck in the attack, injuring children.

“I saw the helicopter roaming and I was waiting to see where it would strike,” Marwan told Human Rights Watch. “I did not see the barrel bomb falling but the destruction was clearly from a barrel bomb because the residential buildings completely collapsed.”

The Violations Documentation Center identified four civilians, including two children, killed in airstrikes on April 4 in al-Sakhour.

Al-Haidariya neighborhood, March 9
Bassam, a media activist working in Aleppo, told Human Rights Watch that, on March 9 between 9 and 10 a.m., he saw a helicopter drop two barrel bombs on the al-Haidariya neighborhood. He said that he went to the scene shortly afterward and saw people who had been wounded or killed, including Ali Mustapha, a Canadian journalist, who was killed by the second bomb. Bassam said that this barrel bomb struck the depot where taxis and minibuses gather to transport civilians to and from the city of Aleppo and the countryside.

Fouad, another media activist who also witnessed the attacks on March 9, told Human Rights Watch that the first barrel bomb fell about 100 meters from the second, which hit the al-Haidariya depot. Fouad estimated that at least 20 people had been killed in the two strikes, including the journalist and two first responders.

The Violations Documentation Center identified 12 civilians, including 2 children, killed in air strikes on March 9 in al-Haidariya.

Activists at the scene also took photographs of the aftermath of the attack, including of the woundedand those that were killed.

Bassam and Fouad both told Human Rights Watch that the neighborhood was far from the front line, at least 3 to 5 kilometers. Bassam also told Human Rights Watch that there were no bases for armed groups in the vicinity of the strikes.

The Syrian Air Force has repeatedly hit the Haidariya roundabout, a key intersection on one of the main roads connecting opposition-controlled Aleppo to the countryside.

Al-Sukari neighborhood, March 7
Two witnesses told Human Rights Watch that two barrel bombs struck the al-Sukari neighborhood of Aleppo on March 7 at around noon. Both witnesses observed the helicopter dropping the bombs and could identify them as barrel bombs. The witnesses, who went to the scene after the attack, said that the first bomb fell on two residential buildings al-Wikalat Street, destroying the buildings and setting cars on fire. A video posted on YouTube is identified as showing the aftermath of this attack. Khaled, one of the witnesses, said that the second bomb fell approximately 150 meters from the first minutes later and also struck residential buildings, completely razing them. A video posted on YouTube also shows the destruction from this strike.

“Residents told me that a family was stuck under the rubble and they couldn’t remove them,” Khaled said. He told Human Rights Watch that at both strike sites he saw civil defense workers transferring the wounded and dead to a field hospital. Tamer, the other witness, also told Human Rights Watch that he saw several injured people, including women and children, after the strikes.

The Violations Documentation Center has identified 14 civilians killed in al-Sukari from aerial attacks on March 7, including 8 children and a woman. Five of the children were siblings. One man, whosurvived, lost all of his children in the attack.

Tamer described al-Sukari as a residential area with a large civilian population still living there, because it is two kilometers from the front line. Both witnesses said that there were no bases for armed groups in the neighborhood. Tamer said that he thought armed groups were using apartments in al-Sukari to sleep in, but that these were not close to the street where the bombs fell.

Monday, April 28, 2014

The Human Toll in Egypt

Marian Kemensky, Cagle Cartoons, Slovakia

Egypt: Revise Terrorism Laws to Safeguard Rights


APRIL 28, 2014
Terrorist attacks are clearly a serious security threat in today’s Egypt, but trampling on fundamental rights won’t make the country safer. Respect for human rights needs to be at the heart of the battle against terrorism.
Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa
(Beirut) – Egypt should revise draft counterterrorism legislation to protect the right to life and other rights and freedoms guaranteed by its constitution and by international law.

Interim President Adly Mansour, on April 14, 2014, sent draft amendments to Egypt’s laws on terrorism back to the Justice Ministry for revision. Those amendments were exceedingly vague and overly broad, and would give security services sweeping powers to detain and spy on citizens and residents.

“Terrorist attacks are clearly a serious security threat in today’s Egypt, but trampling on fundamental rights won’t make the country safer,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Respect for human rights needs to be at the heart of the battle against terrorism.”

At least 496 people, including 57 civilians, died in attacks by armed groups between July 2013, when the military deposed former President Mohamed Morsy, and March 2014, according to government figures.

The draft amendments to 17 articles of the penal code define terrorism to include actions – potentially such as labor strikes or peaceful protests – that could “obstruct” the work of public officials, or universities, mosques, embassies, or international institutions. Article 86 of the penal code, as amended, would criminalize any “intimidation” that could “harm national unity,” prevent the application of the country’s constitution or laws, or “damage the economy.”

“By these definitions, anyone who participated in the popular uprisings of 2011 or 2013 could be branded a terrorist,” Stork said. “Peaceful protest should not be criminalized as terrorism.”

The draft amendments prescribe up to 10 years in prison for anyone convicted of aiding or belonging to a group that “harms national unity or social peace.” Such overly broad definitions violate Egypt’s international and constitutional commitments to free association and assembly and invite abuse, Human Rights Watch said.

The amended laws would further allow the death penalty to be imposed on anyone found to be a leader or administrator of a group found to be a terrorist organization. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all cases as an inherently cruel and inhumane punishment.

Immediately after a December 24, 2013 bombing that killed at least 16 people in the Nile Delta city of Al-Mansoura, the government formally designated the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, though the Sinai-based group Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis claimed responsibility for the attack.

Since that date the government has used the terrorist designation to suppress peaceful Muslim Brotherhood activities and impose harsh sanctions on its supporters, including people not accused of any violent crime.

Allowing for the use of the death penalty in this manner could make leading Muslim Brotherhood members, from former President Morsy to, potentially, the group’s local office managers, subject to execution.

A related amendment to the criminal procedures code would also extend the period police can hold detainees without seeing a prosecutor to 72 hours, from the 24 hours stipulated in the constitution. The period could be extended for an additional week.

Article 86 bis of the penal code, as amended, would maintain a provision that would make it a criminal offense to possess, even temporarily, or spread, even for informational purposes, any publication or recording that appears to advocate anything that falls under the laws’ broad definition of terrorism. Violations would be punishable by up to 10 years in prison. This could be the basis for arresting and prosecuting anyone who has visited or linked to a web page containing material that authorities claim could “damage the economy” or “harm national unity.”

Pages accessed on the Internet remain cached on a user’s computer in a form that could easily be used to redistribute them. Anyone with a computer connected to the Internet, or a smart phone, has the “means of printing, recording, or publicity,” prohibited under the provision. Such provisions violate the rights to receive and impart information, and could particularly affect the ability of journalists, academics, and researchers to do their work, Human Rights Watch said.

“Simply visiting a web page, or sharing a link on social media, should not be a criminal offense,” Stork said. “These restrictions could potentially subject hundreds of thousands of Internet users to prosecution under counterterrorism legislation.”

The United Nations special rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism, in his 2009 report on Egypt, stated: “The definitions of terrorist crimes should be confined exclusively to activities that entail or are directly related to the use of deadly or serious violence against civilians…. The proscription of terrorist organizations, including the application of criminal responsibility of its members, must be made on the basis of factual evidence of activities that are of a genuine terrorist nature as well as of the actual involvement of the individuals concerned.”

The UN General Assembly in 2006 emphasized respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms as part of a Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, and recognized that “development, peace and security, and human rights are interlinked and mutually reinforcing.” As part of that process, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime in 2009 released “Model Legislative Provisions Against Terrorism,” based on contributions from agencies across the UN system. These recommendations can serve as a guide to Egyptian jurists as they consider new terrorism legislation.

“Egypt’s responsibilities to safeguard its citizens and their rights are not in conflict,” Stork said. “Egyptians deserve laws that will help preserve public safety and their basic freedoms. These proposed amendments would do neither.”

Real News Video: Gaza writes Back

Yousef Aljamal discusses Omar X, a story about the death of his brother, featured in a collection of short stories by Gazan writers 


More at The Real News

Wholesale Executions in the Sisi Republic: Egyptian judge to rule on death penalty for 1,200 men

Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohamed Badie among defendants in mass trial amid crackdown in which 16,000 arrested
Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohamed Badie
Mohamed Badie (front) pictured with Mohamed Morsi in 2011: Badie is among the defendants in one mass trial. Photograph: Khaled Desouki/AFP/Getty Images
More than 1,200 men face the death sentence in Egypt, as a judge deliberates on whether to uphold the sentences he gave 529 defendants in March.
The leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, Mohamed Badie, whose colleague Mohamed Morsi was removed from Egypt's presidency last July, is among the defendants in one of two mass trials.
Amnesty International has said the case of the 529 men is the largest batch of simultaneous death sentences in living memory. Along with the other case, in which 683 have been sentenced to death for killing a policeman, it forms the latest instalment of a government crackdown during which at least 16,000 people have been arrested and more than 2,500 killed since the ousting of Morsi.
Prosecutors say the defendants in both cases are Brotherhood members who killed two police officers during nationwide violence last August. The 529 defendants are accused of lynching a policeman in Matay, a town in Minya province, southern Egypt. On the same day, 683 others – including the Brotherhood's Badie – are said to have killed another officer in the nearby town of Adwa.
But many of the defendants in both trials say they were neither present during the attacks, nor supporters of the Brotherhood. In some cases, they say they were not even in the province itself – and that they were reported to the police by informants acting on personal agendas.
Both verdicts would have been reached after just two court sessions in which defence lawyers said there was no time to assess thousands of pages of testimonies and court documents.
"There is nothing against me – no one has any evidence that I was there on that day," said Hagag Saber, a 34-year-old government electrician who is one of the 683 sentenced to death for the killing in Adwa. Currently at large, he claims he was in Cairo on the day of the attacks.
"There is no justice or integrity, nothing based on facts. Everything is based on an illegitimate investigation that took hearsay from people in the street," he said.
Saber's lawyer, Mohamed Abd-El Fatah Ali, said the judge – Saeed Youssef, who presided over both cases – could not have had time to read the thousands of pages of court documents relating to the case.
"There's no human who could read this amount of newspaper pages, let alone legal documents containing testimonies, in order to find the paragraph that relates to this case and these defendants in the time allowed," said Ali. "That would take three months."
Families have alleged that some defendants are not even mentioned in the documents.
One of Ali's colleagues, Ahmed Eid, was arrested because of personal differences with local policemen, his family has claimed. Previously a lawyer in the 529-strong case, Eid joined his clients in jail after the case had officially been referred to court. His wife said police arrested him because he had failed to pay them a bribe, and that investigators – with whom he was in daily contact on behalf of his clients – had never previously suggested he was involved in the case.
The sentences were reached despite an international campaign in which more than 1.5 million people signed a petition hosted by online activistsAvaaz that called for a commuting of the sentences.
But in Egypt the outcry has not been universal. Many see the 529 death sentences as a fitting revenge on the Brotherhood, who are blamed for a wave of militancy across Egypt in recent months.
"The outrage over the conviction of 529 terrorists is in itself an outrage," said one commentator in a state-run newspaper this month.
After the initial sentences on the 529 in March, Egypt's foreign ministry released a statement defending the court's integrity. The verdict was announced in the separate mass trial of the other 683. "The sentence was issued by an independent court after careful study of the case," the statement read.

The Full Interview: عزمي بشارة: المصالحة الفلسطينية ضرورة



A SUPERB INTERVIEW!

Sunday, April 27, 2014

عزمي بشارة: المصالحة الفلسطينية ضرورة

يعتقد المفكر العربي عزمي بشارة أن اتفاق المصالحة الفلسطينية يجب أن يكون على مفهوم التحرر الوطني وليس على تقاسم المناصب, وأن الذهاب إلى الانتخابات دون مصالحة قد يؤدي إلى الاحتراب.

اعتبر مدير المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات عزمي بشارة أن اتفاق المصالحة الموقع بين حركتي المقاومة الإسلامية (حماس) والتحرير الوطني الفلسطيني (فتح) أمر ضروري وإستراتيجي, وقال إنه البديل الوحيد لمواجهة المأزق الذي أملته الظروف الداخلية والإقليمية على الطرفين.
وأوضح بشارة في برنامج "لقاء خاص" يوم 27/4/2014 أن الطرفين وصلا إلى قناعة بأنه ليس لهما أي بديل سوى المصالحة لمواجهة المأزق الذي يمران به.
ولفت إلى أن حكومة الوحدة ضرورة لأن طريق التفاوض مع إسرائيل وصل إلى طريق مسدود، وأن القيادة الفلسطينية باتت تدرك ذلك، مشيرا إلى أن الأمر الأهم هو إدارة الصراع السياسي مع إسرائيل على الساحة الدولية بصفة مشتركة.
وأعرب بشارة عن اعتقاده بوجود نية لدى كل من حماس وفتح للتوصل إلى مصالحة حقيقية.
الانتخاباتوفي هذا السياق عبر بشارة عن قناعته بأن الذهاب إلى الانتخابات دون مصالحة قد يؤدي إلى الاحتراب, داعيا إلى ضرورة إدارة مرحلة الوحدة الوطنية بدقة ومسؤولية.
كما رأى أن الإصرار من طرف حماس وفتح على الذهاب إلى الانتخابات لإظهار الوحدة شيء مفيد, لكنه حذر من أن تتحول إلى تنافس على السلطة قد يؤدي إلى تدمير الوحدة الفلسطينية. وقال إن الاتفاق يجب أن يكون حول مفهوم التحرر الوطني وليس حول موضوع تقاسم المناصب الحكومية.
واقترح في هذا الصدد تشكيل قوائم انتخابية موحدة لتفادي أن تتحول الانتخابات إلى صراع على السلطة ووسيلة لتدمير الوحدة.
"الخطوة الفلسطينية بالانضمام إلى معاهدات واتفاقيات دولية خطوة مهمة تفتح آفاقا جديدة أمام القضية الفلسطينية"
تحديات وإستراتيجياتمن جانب آخر أوضح بشارة أن مصر تبحث عن دور في المصالحة الفلسطينية، ولا بد من التعامل معها وترتيب العلاقة معها، لأن ذلك يصب في مصلحة مصر، وهو أيضا أمر ضروري لقطاع غزة، داعيا إلى فتح الحدود وبناء علاقات الثقة بين الطرفين.
وأضاف أنه "في حالة الوحدة الفلسطينية وقيام سلطة مشتركة في غزة، فإنه لا بد من منح حركة حماس ضمانات فلسطينية وإقليمية بأنها ستكون شريكا حقيقيا".
وتوقع بشارة قبول العرب بتمويل حكومة الوحدة في حال نجاح المصالحة ودعمها سياسيا على المستوى الدولي في مواجهة الضغوطات الأميركية والإسرائيلية.
من ناحية أخرى قال بشارة إن المفاوضات مع إسرائيل لن تؤدي إلى شيء ملموس أو تسوية نصف عادلة، وأن الإدارة الأميركية تدرك أنه ليس ثمة أي أفق لها في ظل الحكومة اليمينية بإسرائيل.
ودعا السلطة الفلسطينية إلى بلورة خطاب سياسي مختلف على الجبهة الدولية، شريطة أن يكون ديمقراطيا وغير عنصري أو ديني.
واقترح ضرورة الإبقاء على خيار المقاومة وعدم التنازل عنه بالموازاة مع خوض نضال ديمقراطي ضد إسرائيل، متوقعا أن يحقق هذا النهج الكثير في هذا الشأن.

وفي السياق ذاته اعتبر بشارة أن الخطوة الفلسطينية بالانضمام إلى معاهدات واتفاقيات دولية خطوة مهمة تفتح آفاقا جديدة أمام القضية الفلسطينية.

The Opportunism of Both Hamas and Abbas

رعاية أمنية مصرية وغطاء عربي وأمريكي
المصالحة الفلسطينية: 'شرعية' لعباس مقابل 'تمويل' رواتب 'القسام'
عمان ـ ‘القدس العربي’ من بسام البدارين: لا يمكن تشخيص أو توقع مستوى المصالحة المفاجئة بين حركتي فتح وحماس برعاية الرئيس محمود عباس دون أو قبل استشعار ‘المخفي’ في قرار المخابرات المصرية الذي سمح للقيادي في حماس موسى أبو مرزوق بمغادرة مصر إلى قطاع غزة ثم العودة إليها.
الترتيب الأمني المصري كان من المعالم الواضحة لاتفاق المصالحة الذي أنجز علنا الخميس دون وضع آليات تنفيذ واضحة على الأقل، والأوساط السياسية والأمنية الفلسطينية في الساحة المصرية تدرك مسبقا الآن أن الزعيم الحالي لمصر الجنرال عبد الفتاح السيسي ‘يجرب حظه’ عبر إنجاز صفقة عزام الأحمد- أبو مرزوق التي انتهت بالمشهد الإحتفالي الأخير بين وفدي المصالحة من الحركتين.
سياسيا لمصر السيسي عدة أهداف من وراء فتح النافذة أمام حركة مرنة لقيادة حماس البراغماتية خصوصا بعدما توقفت فجأة عملية مطالبة أبو مرزوق المقيم في القاهرة أساسا بالبحث عن ملاذ ثالث قبل أن تنضج مهمته الأخيرة وهي زيارة القطاع.
مصر وتحديدا المؤسسة الأمنية فيها تقول ضمنيا بأنها مستعدة لاستئناف دورها القديم والكلاسيكي في مسألة الملف الفلسطيني، وتحديدا في الجزء المتعلق منه بالمصالحة، وفي الأثناء تستطيع القاهرة تليين موقفها مع حركة حماس لأغراض متعلقة بساحة المعركة على الأرض في سيناء.
المصالحة في مستواها الحالي حظيت بضوء أخضر من وزير الخارجية الأمريكي جون كيري والرئيس عباس استعملها كما قال لنخبة سياسيين في عمان كورقة بديلة بعدما طلب منه الأمريكيون تخفيف الاندفاع نحو ورقة المنظمات الدولية.
بهذا المعنى يصبح المستوى الحالي من وثيقة المصالحة بين عباس وحركة حماس سياسيا بامتياز/ فعباس سيحظى بإكمال مسلسل ‘الشرعية’ الوطنية عبر حماس التي تعالج عبر اتفاق المصالحة والمشاركة بالحكومة لاحقا أزمة ‘السيولة المالية’ كما يقول قيادي فتحاوي بارز أكد لـ’القدس العربي’ أن الشرعية لعباس قابلها التمويل لموظفي حماس الذين تأخرت رواتبهم للشهر السادس على التوالي بسبب أزمة سيولة نادرة تواجهها حماس جراء الحملة المصرية على ‘بزنس الأنفاق’.
الاتفاق بين الطرفين سيكون عمليا أقرب لصيغة ‘التقاسم الوظيفي’ فعباس سيقدم لحماس خدمات تمويل رواتب وتسهيلات لوجستية على المعابر وتحديدا معبر رفح وحركة حماس وتحت وطأة الحاجة المالية وتراجع حلفائها في المنطقة يمكن أن تتأهل للمرحلة اللاحقة.
حماس بالمصالحة ستضفي ‘شرعية’ على المفاوضات التي يناور عباس لتأجيلها وعباس سيوافق على تقديم مال يدفع رواتب كتائب القسام وجهاز الأمن الحمساوي الذي سيبقى في حضن الحركة وخارج صلاحيات ‘الصفقة’ المعنية بالتقاسم الوظيفي.
عمليا تتموضع الحركتان فتح وحماس باتفاق المصالحة الجديد خلف مصالح محددة مشتركة مع اختلاف البيئة السياسية والظروف وأهمها الإفلات من مطلب الاستحقاقات الشعبية المتمثل في أزمة المفاوضات بالنسبة لحركة فتح وأزمة المعيشة التي تدفع تأييد حماس في القطاع لأدنى مستوياته مما يجعل المصالحة ـ وهذا الأخطر عليها- ساحة مناورة سياسية.
وعمليا يتوقع أن تلقي غزة بحملها المالي على مؤسسات السلطة فيما تستعينرام الله بحماس للتخلص من مظاهر الخجل التي ترافق الاستعصاء التفاوضي، أما الظرف الاقتصادي والسياسي والإقليمي فلا يخدم المصالحة كثيرا خصوصا وأن حماس تتسامح مع تعهد عباس العلني بالحفاظ على ‘التنسيق الأمني’ وهو تعهد حصلت حماس بدلا منه على رواتب بدون ‘تبعية’ لجهازها الأمني وقوامه خمسة آلاف عنصر.
وتبقى المشكلة الأمنية من التحديات الأساسية التي تواجه اتفاق المصالحة الذي اتخذ شكل المناورة السياسية في توقيت حرج، وهي مناورة تدعمها جميع الأطراف العربية في الإقليم والإدارة الأمريكية على الأرجح في الوقت الذي يرحب فيه الشارع الشعبي الفلسطيني وكذلك جميع دول الخليج وحتى خصوم الرئيس عباس بعد البيان الذي أدلى به القيادي محمد دحلان وأكد فيه الترحيب الشديد بأجواء المصالحة الوطنية الفلسطينية والاستعداد لدعمها.
الى ذلك أعلن رئيس الوزراء الفلسطيني، رامي الحمد الله، مساء الجمعة أنه وضع استقالته والحكومة أمام الرئيس الفلسطيني محمود عباس، تمهيداً لتشكيل حكومة توافق وطني تنفيذاً لاتفاق المصالحة.
وقال الحمد الله في رسالة وجهها للرئيس الفلسطيني ‘حرصاً على إتمام عملية المصالحة فإنني أضع استقالتي والحكومة بين يدي فخامتكم متى شئتم’.
وهاتف رئيس الحكومة الفلسطينية المقالة في قطاع غزة إسماعيل هنية، مساء الجمعة، الرئيس الفلسطيني محمود عباس.
وأكد هنية للرئيس عباس على ضرورة البدء بتنفيذ اتفاق المصالحة الذي تم التوقيع عليه وفق الجداول الزمنية المتفق عليها، بحسب بيان صادر عن مكتب رئاسة الوزراء في حكومة غزة المقالة.
وقال هنية إنه ‘يجب بذل جهود من أجل توفير شبكة أمان سياسي ومالي لحماية اتفاق المصالحة الفلسطينية’.
ودعا إلى ضرورة تنفيذ ‘خطوات لتعزيز الثقة’ بين أطراف المصالحة في كل من الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة.
وأكد كل من هنية وعباس خلال الاتصال الهاتفي على مضيهما في إنجاز المصالحة وتحقيق الوحدة الوطنية الفلسطينية دون أي إعاقة أو تأخير، والرفض المطلق للرضوخ ‘للضغوط الخارجية’، بحسب البيان ذاته.

فيديو كليب غنائي في مخيم اليرموك المحاصر والمدمر

فيديو كليب غنائي في مخيم اليرموك المحاصر والمدمر
عرب ٤٨
تاريخ النشر: 27/04/2014 - آخر تحديث: 14:10
رغم الحصار المحكم والطويل لكن أهالي المخيم الفلسطيني يبدعون كل مرة من جديد في التعبير عن معاناتهم ونقل رسالتهم للعالم، فقد أطلق شبان من مخيم اليرموك  اليوم كليب مصور لأغنية "نسيت اسمي" صور داخل مخيم اليرموك المحاصر في سوريا>
وأغنية "نسيت اسمي" من تأليف زكريا الخطيب وغناء وألحان أيهم أحمد وإنتاج "الأيهم للموسيقى - مخيم اليرموك".
وفي وقت سابق من اليوم  نشرت صحيفة الأوبزرفر البريطانية تقريرا عن معاناة اللاجئين الفلسطينيين الفارين من مخيم اليرموك بسوريا إلى لبنان، وشكواهم من "معاملة النظام السوري الوحشية لهم".
تحدثت الأوبزرفر في تقريرها إلى عائلات فلسطينية تركت مخيم اليرموك ولجأت إلى لبنان في ظروف قاسية، هربا من الموت، لتجد ظروفا قاسية أخرى في لبنان.
ونقلت عن الفلسطينية "أم سمير" قولها: "كنت دائما أظن أن رحيلي عن مخيم اليرموك سيكون إلى فلسطين، وليس إلى مكان آخر". ولكنها وجدت نفسها لاجئة في مخيم آخر في لبنان.
وتواصل أم سمير حديثها للصحيفة عن الوضع في سوريا بالقول" لم أكن أتوقع أن يحدث لنا ذلك كله، فالعديد من الذين بقوا في المخيم ماتوا جوعا، لم أكن أتوقع أن يفعل النظام السوري ذلك بشعبنا. سقط القناع الآن".
ويحكي زوجها أبو سمير كيف أنهم هربوا في جماعات صغيرة، واضطروا إلى ترك الأولاد خوفا عليهم من الموت.
وتقول الصحيفة إن الكثيرين من اللاجئين الفارين من مخيم اليرموك يعتقدون أن المخيم سيكون شاهدا على الجرائم التي ارتكبت في الفلسطينيين تماما مثلما تشهد صبرا وشاتيلا على فعلته مليشيا مسيحية كانت متحالفة من إسرائيل.
ويجزم لاجئون وصلوا إلى لبنان أن الفظائع التي حصلت في اليرموك فاقت معاناة الفلسطينيين عام 1982 في لبنان.

Only a Single-State Solution Will Bring Peace

Ali Abunimah

Ali Abunimah is cofounder of the Electronic Intifada and the author of "The Battle for Justice in Palestine."
UPDATED APRIL 24, 2014, 12:57 PM
The New York Times
Let's go back to basics: The Palestinian people live under occupation and siege in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, as second-class citizens in present-day Israel, and as refugees, as a consequence of the Zionist colonization of historic Palestine that began more than a century ago and continues today.
Efforts to "solve" the situation by creating separate, ethnically homogenous states for the colonizing society, on the one hand, and for the victims of the colonization, on the other -- along the lines of apartheid South Africa's Bantustan system -- have failed.
The remaining route to a just peace would be a historic agreement to dismantle this colonial reality; it would transform Israeli Jews from a settler-colonial garrison society, and Palestinians from a subjugated people, into citizens of a common state committed to protecting the rights of all. Painstaking work would be needed to reverse the gross inequalities that are the consequence of the purposeful dispossession of the Palestinians.
As in South Africa and Northern Ireland, where historic settlements along similar lines are being implemented, such an agreement would require a legitimate, broadbased Palestinian leadership and an Israeli leadership that recognizes that Israel's form of ethnoreligious apartheid must end.
Yet for many years, Israel and the United States have done all they can to thwart the emergence or recognition of representative Palestinian leaders: the Palestinian Authority functions as a native enforcer on behalf of Israel's occupation. Hamas, though it is currently observing the November 2012 ceasefire it negotiated with Israel, remains committed to exercising the Palestinians' right to resistance and self-defense.
This contradiction cannot be resolved through the agreement that was just signed in Gaza. Nor will Israel or the United States permit the weakened and aid-dependent Palestinian Authority to implement it.
A major step toward a just peace would be if the United States would stop interfering in Palestinian politics and instead use its influence to pressure Israel to abandon its commitment to ethnoreligious segregation.
While that is unlikely to happen soon, Palestinians will continue to seek other ways to defend their internationally recognized rights, and that includes their peaceful strategy of boycott, divestment and sanctions.

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