The Egyptian uprising is like the Nile in flood. It cannot be kept back with barriers and uniforms
Ahdaf Soueif
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 24 January 2012
".....Parliament, as the elected legislative body, can start delivering on a lot of these. If the military allows it. Or if it gets rid of the military. What will become clear over the coming few weeks is how far parliament – or sections of it – will align itself with the aims of the revolution. Will it allow itself to be used as cover or window-dressing for the old regime to carry on as usual under the generals? The Islamists are in the majority now. Will they realise their strength and use it for the good of the country? Or will they remain true to form and handcuff themselves where they perceive power to be?....."
Wednesday, January 25, 2012
US marine spared jail over deaths of unarmed Iraqis

Frank Wuterich, convicted over 2005 massacre of 24 civilians in Haditha, will not serve time in jail
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 24 January 2012
"The only US marine to face sentencing for the killing of two dozen unarmed Iraqis in one of the Iraq war's defining moments has been spared jail time after defending his squad's storming of the homes of Haditha as a necessary act "to keep the rest of my marines alive".
Staff Sergeant Frank Wuterich's sentence ends a six-year prosecution for the 2005 attack. Eight Marines were initially charged; one was acquitted and six others had their cases dropped.
Wuterich, who admitted ordering his squad to "shoot first, ask questions later" after a roadside bomb killed a fellow Marine, ended his manslaughter trial by pleading guilty on Monday to a single count of negligent dereliction of duty......"
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 24 January 2012
"The only US marine to face sentencing for the killing of two dozen unarmed Iraqis in one of the Iraq war's defining moments has been spared jail time after defending his squad's storming of the homes of Haditha as a necessary act "to keep the rest of my marines alive".
Staff Sergeant Frank Wuterich's sentence ends a six-year prosecution for the 2005 attack. Eight Marines were initially charged; one was acquitted and six others had their cases dropped.
Wuterich, who admitted ordering his squad to "shoot first, ask questions later" after a roadside bomb killed a fellow Marine, ended his manslaughter trial by pleading guilty on Monday to a single count of negligent dereliction of duty......"
Jan 25 - how Egypt's bloggers see the revolution one year on
Three bloggers who have documented Egypt's revolution online share how they covered events in 2011 and tell us what the anniversary of 25 January means to them
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 25 January 2012
"Hossam el-Hamalawy, arabawy.org
Hossam is a journalist and blogger with the Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists. In a blog post from 12 February 2011 he writes about the #Jan25 revolution:
At this point, the Tahrir Square occupation is likely to be suspended. But we have to take Tahrir to the factories now. As the revolution proceeds an inevitable class polarization is to happen. We have to be vigilant. We shouldn't stop here… We hold the keys to the liberation of the entire region, not just Egypt… Onwards with a permanent revolution that will empower the people of this country with direct democracy from below…
Reflecting on the first anniversary of 25 January 2011, he says:
As Mubarak stepped down on 12 February 2011, there was rightly a wide feeling of celebration in Egypt and a fresh wave of optimism for what would come next. People like myself who saw the revolution as only starting at the time were a minority. We had managed only to get rid of Mubarak, but his regime remained alive and well, intact with the same methods of repression. His army generals at the time had to sacrifice him under the escalating pressures from the streets, public squares and finally labour strikes.
When I wrote this posting on 12 Feb, such anti-SCAF views as well as the support for labour strikes was not popular. Almost a year later, I'm proud I took that position. A continuous process of disillusionment with the army has been happening over the past year, and increasing sections of Egyptian society can now see that Mubarak's army generals are leading nothing but the counter-revolution in an attempt to save the regime, diffusing all goals we cried for in Tahrir and elsewhere. You could have been lynched by the people themselves if you had chanted against the army in February or March, but we saw in the past months two renewed mini uprisings in November and December, following a wave of mass strikes in September and October which saw at least three quarters of million Egyptians stopping work, to demand social justice.
My position has not changed a year later. I still believe industrial actions and the social movement to be the only hope for this revolution to succeed. As we mark the first anniversary of the revolution we are reminded that no revolutions get settled in 18 days or months. And the fight will continue to take Tahrir to the factories and workplaces to bring a final end to this regime.
Gigi Ibrahim, theangryegyptian.wordpress.com
Gigi is a revolutionary socialist activist and blogger. Her videos, images and tweets have documented events since 25 January 2011.
........"
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 25 January 2012
"Hossam el-Hamalawy, arabawy.org
Hossam is a journalist and blogger with the Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists. In a blog post from 12 February 2011 he writes about the #Jan25 revolution:
At this point, the Tahrir Square occupation is likely to be suspended. But we have to take Tahrir to the factories now. As the revolution proceeds an inevitable class polarization is to happen. We have to be vigilant. We shouldn't stop here… We hold the keys to the liberation of the entire region, not just Egypt… Onwards with a permanent revolution that will empower the people of this country with direct democracy from below…
Reflecting on the first anniversary of 25 January 2011, he says:
As Mubarak stepped down on 12 February 2011, there was rightly a wide feeling of celebration in Egypt and a fresh wave of optimism for what would come next. People like myself who saw the revolution as only starting at the time were a minority. We had managed only to get rid of Mubarak, but his regime remained alive and well, intact with the same methods of repression. His army generals at the time had to sacrifice him under the escalating pressures from the streets, public squares and finally labour strikes.
When I wrote this posting on 12 Feb, such anti-SCAF views as well as the support for labour strikes was not popular. Almost a year later, I'm proud I took that position. A continuous process of disillusionment with the army has been happening over the past year, and increasing sections of Egyptian society can now see that Mubarak's army generals are leading nothing but the counter-revolution in an attempt to save the regime, diffusing all goals we cried for in Tahrir and elsewhere. You could have been lynched by the people themselves if you had chanted against the army in February or March, but we saw in the past months two renewed mini uprisings in November and December, following a wave of mass strikes in September and October which saw at least three quarters of million Egyptians stopping work, to demand social justice.
My position has not changed a year later. I still believe industrial actions and the social movement to be the only hope for this revolution to succeed. As we mark the first anniversary of the revolution we are reminded that no revolutions get settled in 18 days or months. And the fight will continue to take Tahrir to the factories and workplaces to bring a final end to this regime.
Gigi Ibrahim, theangryegyptian.wordpress.com
Gigi is a revolutionary socialist activist and blogger. Her videos, images and tweets have documented events since 25 January 2011.
........"
State of Emergency Under Different Name? Egypt: Exceptions to Ending Emergency Law Invite Abuse

Immediately Free Emergency Law Detainees, Transfer Cases to Regular Courts
Human Rights Watch
January 25, 2012
"(New York) – The Egyptian military’s announcement on January 24, 2012, that it will lift the state of emergency except in cases of “thuggery” is an invitation to continued abuse, Alkarama and Human Rights Watch said today. The two rights groups said that the government should use the regular penal code and civilian criminal courts to address alleged criminal activity. It should also repeal Law 34, which criminalizes participation in strikes during a state of emergency.
Military leaders have frequently described protesters as “thugs” and military tribunals have convicted peaceful protesters after unfair trials for the crime of “thuggery.”
Despite promises to end the state of emergency, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has been using the exceptional powers under the Emergency Law. The Interior Ministry is holding at least 55 detainees under the Emergency Law and prosecuting at least six cases before Emergency State Security Courts, which do not provide the right to an appeal.
“January 25 is the first anniversary of the day when Egyptians stood up together to demand an end to police abuse and the state of emergency,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “It is an insult to all those calling for a return to the rule of law to make excuses to keep this state of emergency, used abusively for so many years, in place.”......"
Human Rights Watch
January 25, 2012
"(New York) – The Egyptian military’s announcement on January 24, 2012, that it will lift the state of emergency except in cases of “thuggery” is an invitation to continued abuse, Alkarama and Human Rights Watch said today. The two rights groups said that the government should use the regular penal code and civilian criminal courts to address alleged criminal activity. It should also repeal Law 34, which criminalizes participation in strikes during a state of emergency.
Military leaders have frequently described protesters as “thugs” and military tribunals have convicted peaceful protesters after unfair trials for the crime of “thuggery.”
Despite promises to end the state of emergency, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has been using the exceptional powers under the Emergency Law. The Interior Ministry is holding at least 55 detainees under the Emergency Law and prosecuting at least six cases before Emergency State Security Courts, which do not provide the right to an appeal.
“January 25 is the first anniversary of the day when Egyptians stood up together to demand an end to police abuse and the state of emergency,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “It is an insult to all those calling for a return to the rule of law to make excuses to keep this state of emergency, used abusively for so many years, in place.”......"
UAE: Free Speech Under Attack

Harassment, Arrests, Criminal Prosecutions
January 25, 2012
"(Dubai) – The United Arab Emirates during 2011 muzzled the right of its citizens to express themselves and to form independent associations, Human Rights Watch said today in issuing its World Report 2012 at a news conference in Dubai.
UAE authorities harassed, arrested, and jailed activists, and disbanded the elected boards of two of the country’s most prominent civil society organizations.
“In the year of the Arab Spring, the UAE headed in the opposite direction by criminally prosecuting Emiratis who dared to criticize the government,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch......"
January 25, 2012
"(Dubai) – The United Arab Emirates during 2011 muzzled the right of its citizens to express themselves and to form independent associations, Human Rights Watch said today in issuing its World Report 2012 at a news conference in Dubai.
UAE authorities harassed, arrested, and jailed activists, and disbanded the elected boards of two of the country’s most prominent civil society organizations.
“In the year of the Arab Spring, the UAE headed in the opposite direction by criminally prosecuting Emiratis who dared to criticize the government,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch......"
Egypt must protect peaceful protesters on '25 January' anniversary

Amnesty International
24 January 2012
"Egypt's military rulers must protect protesters and uphold the right to peaceful assembly, Amnesty International said today ahead of planned nationwide protests marking the first anniversary of the uprising that ended President Hosni Mubarak's rule.
The Egyptian Interior Minister said in a press conference on Monday that there will be no security presence near Tahrir Square and other locations where demonstrations are planned to commemorate the '25 January Revolution' on Wednesday. Some media added that the security forces are prepared to use live ammunition on protesters if public institutions are attacked.
"Rather than abandoning the sites of planned demonstrations, the security forces must act responsibly by ensuring that everyone can safely exercise their right to peaceful expression and assembly," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui, Amnesty International's Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director.
"In a polarized environment where protesters have been portrayed by some state media and the authorities as trouble makers and as counter-protests are planned on the day, the position of the authorities risks amounting to a dereliction of their duty”.
The Interior Minister warned that individuals impersonating uniformed police officers and soldiers may attend protests with the intent of trying to provoke confrontations between protesters and security forces.
The Minister did not say what the authorities plan to do to protect the protesters or prevent any potential clashes.
"Warning that there is a risk to protesters from impostors disguised as members of the police and military and not taking action to address the threat is unacceptable. Such behaviour will not restore the faith of Egyptians in long discredited interior ministry and casts a shadow on the new police code of ethics," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui.
A year after it came to power the Egyptian authorities have still not made public the rules issued to the security forces on the use of force despite repeated requests from Amnesty International and other organizations
"Instead of ordering the security forces to stop using excessive force, it has praised their actions and continued to blame the protesters and “hidden elements” conspiring against Egypt’s stability," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui.
"As protesters will also be paying tribute to the people killed and injured in demonstrations in Egypt, the scenes of last year’s violence must not be repeated. Protesters must be allowed to exercise their right to protest peacefully, without fear of attack."
Since the “25 January Revolution”, security forces, including soldiers, military police and the Central Security Forces, have routinely been deployed to suppress demonstrations.
They have used tear gas, batons, rubber bullets and live ammunition, including shotgun shells, to forcibly disperse protesters, and on several occasions have driven armoured vehicles into packed crowds to scatter and injure them.
Today’s announcement that the 30 year old state of emergency will be lifted tomorrow is not likely to change the situation on the ground as emergency legislation will continue to apply in cases of “thuggery”, a vaguely defined offence routinely used to decry protesters.
Despite repeated pledges by the SCAF to protect protesters, at least 90 people have been killed and thousands more injured during protests where security forces have used excessive force....... "
24 January 2012
"Egypt's military rulers must protect protesters and uphold the right to peaceful assembly, Amnesty International said today ahead of planned nationwide protests marking the first anniversary of the uprising that ended President Hosni Mubarak's rule.
The Egyptian Interior Minister said in a press conference on Monday that there will be no security presence near Tahrir Square and other locations where demonstrations are planned to commemorate the '25 January Revolution' on Wednesday. Some media added that the security forces are prepared to use live ammunition on protesters if public institutions are attacked.
"Rather than abandoning the sites of planned demonstrations, the security forces must act responsibly by ensuring that everyone can safely exercise their right to peaceful expression and assembly," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui, Amnesty International's Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director.
"In a polarized environment where protesters have been portrayed by some state media and the authorities as trouble makers and as counter-protests are planned on the day, the position of the authorities risks amounting to a dereliction of their duty”.
The Interior Minister warned that individuals impersonating uniformed police officers and soldiers may attend protests with the intent of trying to provoke confrontations between protesters and security forces.
The Minister did not say what the authorities plan to do to protect the protesters or prevent any potential clashes.
"Warning that there is a risk to protesters from impostors disguised as members of the police and military and not taking action to address the threat is unacceptable. Such behaviour will not restore the faith of Egyptians in long discredited interior ministry and casts a shadow on the new police code of ethics," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui.
A year after it came to power the Egyptian authorities have still not made public the rules issued to the security forces on the use of force despite repeated requests from Amnesty International and other organizations
"Instead of ordering the security forces to stop using excessive force, it has praised their actions and continued to blame the protesters and “hidden elements” conspiring against Egypt’s stability," said Hassiba Hadj-Sahraoui.
"As protesters will also be paying tribute to the people killed and injured in demonstrations in Egypt, the scenes of last year’s violence must not be repeated. Protesters must be allowed to exercise their right to protest peacefully, without fear of attack."
Since the “25 January Revolution”, security forces, including soldiers, military police and the Central Security Forces, have routinely been deployed to suppress demonstrations.
They have used tear gas, batons, rubber bullets and live ammunition, including shotgun shells, to forcibly disperse protesters, and on several occasions have driven armoured vehicles into packed crowds to scatter and injure them.
Today’s announcement that the 30 year old state of emergency will be lifted tomorrow is not likely to change the situation on the ground as emergency legislation will continue to apply in cases of “thuggery”, a vaguely defined offence routinely used to decry protesters.
Despite repeated pledges by the SCAF to protect protesters, at least 90 people have been killed and thousands more injured during protests where security forces have used excessive force....... "
Tuesday, January 24, 2012
Egypt: The revolution that shame built
Although Bouazizi's self-immolation mobilised a nation, Egyptians would need to exercise a different tactic for change.
By Mark LeVine
Al-Jazeera
".....But whatever the fate of his memory, the revolution he launched produced the only clear success story of the Arab Spring. For her part, Asmaa Mahfouz and the April 6 movement has struggled to maintain a leading role in a post-Mubarak political landscape that has seen Egypt's deep state and its well-funded and deeply rooted Islamist movements carve up the emerging political space between them. Mahfouz herself stood up to attempts by SCAF to prosecute her for supposedly inciting violence against the military, but her popularity has been diminished as a result. Her fellow April 6 activists continue to be harassed and charged with such crimes as "attempting to overthrow the regime" and "trying to destabilise the country".
They will no doubt find themselves between SCAF's crosshairs again if the "Liars" (Kazeboon) campaign launched against the military begins to show results. At the same time, as most Egyptians have laid aside whatever revolutionary mantle they'd taken up and attempted to normalise their lives, the defenders of Tahrir have increasingly come from the poorest and most marginalised sectors of society - from fanatic football "hooligans" to street kids - who, while representing the majority of Egyptians demographically, are the view in the mirror most Egyptians want to see when confronted by the ongoing violence and repression of the system they'd sought to tear down - beginning a year ago today.
Many commentators have described the ongoing repression and violence deployed by SCAF in the past year as bumbling or incompetent. However, given the extremely weak hand dealt to the military by the revolution, the fact that it has managed to retain a firm grip on power, negotiate an entirely new and seemingly productive relationship with the rising religious political forces, and simultaneously repress the core revolutionary forces - while convincing millions of Egyptians to buy into the new political environment through elections - can only be described as an accomplishment.
But the sparks of inspiration generated by the words, music and images of activists and artists such as Mahfouz, Wael Ghonim or Ramy Essam have yet to go dark. They remain at the heart of the revolutionary impulse that still animates Egyptian politics, whatever the setbacks of the past few months, and no matter who leads parliament when it is seated on January 25.
If the emerging political system begins to look and feel too much like the one so many Egyptians thought they'd helped to topple a year ago, the calls to Tahrir will again go out and the "couch party" - the majority of Egyptians who either sat out the first phase of the revolution or were too quick to leave the square once Mubarak was gone - will again be shamed onto the streets. If not by Asmaa Mahfouz, then by someone who today is as unknown as she was 53 weeks ago. And that is reason enough to celebrate January 25, without reservation and with hope for the future. "
By Mark LeVine
Al-Jazeera
".....But whatever the fate of his memory, the revolution he launched produced the only clear success story of the Arab Spring. For her part, Asmaa Mahfouz and the April 6 movement has struggled to maintain a leading role in a post-Mubarak political landscape that has seen Egypt's deep state and its well-funded and deeply rooted Islamist movements carve up the emerging political space between them. Mahfouz herself stood up to attempts by SCAF to prosecute her for supposedly inciting violence against the military, but her popularity has been diminished as a result. Her fellow April 6 activists continue to be harassed and charged with such crimes as "attempting to overthrow the regime" and "trying to destabilise the country".
They will no doubt find themselves between SCAF's crosshairs again if the "Liars" (Kazeboon) campaign launched against the military begins to show results. At the same time, as most Egyptians have laid aside whatever revolutionary mantle they'd taken up and attempted to normalise their lives, the defenders of Tahrir have increasingly come from the poorest and most marginalised sectors of society - from fanatic football "hooligans" to street kids - who, while representing the majority of Egyptians demographically, are the view in the mirror most Egyptians want to see when confronted by the ongoing violence and repression of the system they'd sought to tear down - beginning a year ago today.
Many commentators have described the ongoing repression and violence deployed by SCAF in the past year as bumbling or incompetent. However, given the extremely weak hand dealt to the military by the revolution, the fact that it has managed to retain a firm grip on power, negotiate an entirely new and seemingly productive relationship with the rising religious political forces, and simultaneously repress the core revolutionary forces - while convincing millions of Egyptians to buy into the new political environment through elections - can only be described as an accomplishment.
But the sparks of inspiration generated by the words, music and images of activists and artists such as Mahfouz, Wael Ghonim or Ramy Essam have yet to go dark. They remain at the heart of the revolutionary impulse that still animates Egyptian politics, whatever the setbacks of the past few months, and no matter who leads parliament when it is seated on January 25.
If the emerging political system begins to look and feel too much like the one so many Egyptians thought they'd helped to topple a year ago, the calls to Tahrir will again go out and the "couch party" - the majority of Egyptians who either sat out the first phase of the revolution or were too quick to leave the square once Mubarak was gone - will again be shamed onto the streets. If not by Asmaa Mahfouz, then by someone who today is as unknown as she was 53 weeks ago. And that is reason enough to celebrate January 25, without reservation and with hope for the future. "
Al-Jazeera Video: US marine pleads guilty to Haditha killings
(Scroll down for a report in the Guardian on this)
"A US Marine sergeant accused of leading a massacre of 24 Iraqi civilians in the Iraqi town of Haditha pleaded guilty on Monday to negligence, ending the final prosecution stemming from a 2005 incident
Staff Sergeant Frank Wuterich, 31, had ordered his unit to shoot the civilians after a roadside bomb killed a member of their convoy.
He now faces a maximum of three months in prison and a rank demotion.
Al Jazeera's Rosiland Jordan reports from Washington."
"A US Marine sergeant accused of leading a massacre of 24 Iraqi civilians in the Iraqi town of Haditha pleaded guilty on Monday to negligence, ending the final prosecution stemming from a 2005 incident
Staff Sergeant Frank Wuterich, 31, had ordered his unit to shoot the civilians after a roadside bomb killed a member of their convoy.
He now faces a maximum of three months in prison and a rank demotion.
Al Jazeera's Rosiland Jordan reports from Washington."
New Sabra hummus ad uses images of Arabs, Africans to cover up Israel army connection

By Ali Abunimah
"The Strauss Group, the company that openly supports the Israeli army and makes Sabra brand hummus, is trying a new advertising strategy to hide its Israeli connections and combat a growing boycott movement. It is to depict Arabs and Muslims in its ads as a form of cover. Should we call this “Arabwashing?”....."
"The Strauss Group, the company that openly supports the Israeli army and makes Sabra brand hummus, is trying a new advertising strategy to hide its Israeli connections and combat a growing boycott movement. It is to depict Arabs and Muslims in its ads as a form of cover. Should we call this “Arabwashing?”....."
Cracks Widen in Syrian Economy

By Mona Alami
"BEIRUT, Jan 24, 2012 (IPS) - As the Syrian uprising enters its tenth month, the country’s economy is suffering. Since last March, the Syrian government has been cracking down on pro-democracy protests, and the once peaceful uprising has morphed into a full-blown armed rebellion in areas such as Homs, Hama and Jabal al-Zawiya.
"The situation is extremely difficult to assess," Damascus-based economist Jihad Yazigi, author of the Syria Report, tells IPS on phone. The report published by the Middle East Information and Communication Agency (MEICA) headquartered in Paris is one of the leading sources of information on the Syrian economy.
However, international rating agency Moody’s decision to downgrade neighbouring Lebanon’s banking sector outlook from stable to negative earlier this month was partly motivated by the deteriorating situation in Syria and other regional hotspots. It cited Lebanese banks’ asset and loan exposures to Syria and other countries witnessing unrest.....
A recent post in Syria Comment, a blog by political scientist Joshua Landis, also raised the possibility that state banks could eventually default on payments to the private banking system.
"The million dollar question is how long the government can meet its budgetary requirements, estimated around 21 billion dollars a year," says the banker. Before the crisis, the Central Bank’s foreign reserves were 18 billion dollars, according to official data. Some experts estimate reserves to be around 11 billion dollars today.
As fiscal pressures increase, it is left with no option but to print bills, a measure that will lead to further inflation, says the editor of the Syria Report.
The Central Bank has not published figures since last May, which renders projections on the economic future of Syria uncertain. Much will depend on how much monetary support the Assad regime is receiving from its allies, namely Iraq and Iran. "
"BEIRUT, Jan 24, 2012 (IPS) - As the Syrian uprising enters its tenth month, the country’s economy is suffering. Since last March, the Syrian government has been cracking down on pro-democracy protests, and the once peaceful uprising has morphed into a full-blown armed rebellion in areas such as Homs, Hama and Jabal al-Zawiya.
"The situation is extremely difficult to assess," Damascus-based economist Jihad Yazigi, author of the Syria Report, tells IPS on phone. The report published by the Middle East Information and Communication Agency (MEICA) headquartered in Paris is one of the leading sources of information on the Syrian economy.
However, international rating agency Moody’s decision to downgrade neighbouring Lebanon’s banking sector outlook from stable to negative earlier this month was partly motivated by the deteriorating situation in Syria and other regional hotspots. It cited Lebanese banks’ asset and loan exposures to Syria and other countries witnessing unrest.....
A recent post in Syria Comment, a blog by political scientist Joshua Landis, also raised the possibility that state banks could eventually default on payments to the private banking system.
"The million dollar question is how long the government can meet its budgetary requirements, estimated around 21 billion dollars a year," says the banker. Before the crisis, the Central Bank’s foreign reserves were 18 billion dollars, according to official data. Some experts estimate reserves to be around 11 billion dollars today.
As fiscal pressures increase, it is left with no option but to print bills, a measure that will lead to further inflation, says the editor of the Syria Report.
The Central Bank has not published figures since last May, which renders projections on the economic future of Syria uncertain. Much will depend on how much monetary support the Assad regime is receiving from its allies, namely Iraq and Iran. "
Current Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Online Poll
Syria looks more like Libya every day

Libya saw a phased process of opposition organisation before international intervention. Syria seems to be following its lead
Rami Khouri
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"....The conclusion I draw from all this reinforces what I have been thinking and saying since the first demonstrators started threatening the Tunisian and Egyptian regimes in December 2010 and January 2011: Syria suffers many of the same problems and conditions that were evident in Tunisia and Egypt (poverty, lack of democracy, corruption, a widespread sense of indignity and anger among the citizenry) and therefore it is not immune from their fate. The Libyan situation offered examples of a phased process of opposition organisation and international intervention. It is true to say, as we hear daily, that Syria is not Libya. But it now seems correct also to say that Syria is increasingly looking like Libya in the trajectory of opposition moves and regime responses that now trigger talk of drastic interventions and measures to save civilian lives."
Rami Khouri
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"....The conclusion I draw from all this reinforces what I have been thinking and saying since the first demonstrators started threatening the Tunisian and Egyptian regimes in December 2010 and January 2011: Syria suffers many of the same problems and conditions that were evident in Tunisia and Egypt (poverty, lack of democracy, corruption, a widespread sense of indignity and anger among the citizenry) and therefore it is not immune from their fate. The Libyan situation offered examples of a phased process of opposition organisation and international intervention. It is true to say, as we hear daily, that Syria is not Libya. But it now seems correct also to say that Syria is increasingly looking like Libya in the trajectory of opposition moves and regime responses that now trigger talk of drastic interventions and measures to save civilian lives."
Syria: a plan with no resolution

It is clear that events have acquired an unstoppable momentum of their own
Editorial
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"A man sits in Damascus playing with his iPad. On it he calculates that France will have a new president in May, and in November America could well have one, too. The two bugbears of his life, Nicolas Sarkozy and Barack Obama, will have gone. Ergo, all he has to do is to live out the new year and his problems are over. Bashar Assad is delusional and, according to some reports, more responsible for the day-to-day repression than he would have us believe. But as an indication of the cocoon in which he lives, these calculations are tragically characteristic of the man.
Whether the civil war everyone feared has already started, it is clear now that events in Syria have acquired an unstoppable momentum of their own. The regime continues to crumble. Its economic situation deteriorates steadily – Syria's GDP shrank by nearly 30% last year – and law and order is steadily collapsing. Doubts persist about the unity of opposition groups, but the revolution is transforming itself into an armed struggle. The opposition are pan-national, and their numbers are growing, swelled not just by army defectors, but emboldened, too, by a growing sense of entitlement. If it did nothing else, the presence of the Arab League observer mission provided a vehicle for the opposition, and a measure by which the regime devalued by its deeds any commitments made in words to withdraw troops and release political prisoners.
Chaos inside Syria is matched by chaos outside it. The Arab League has a richly deserved reputation of being a consensus-based organisation that can never reach a consensus. Never more so than at its last meeting in Cairo on Sunday. The Saudis said they would withdraw their monitors in a move that might bring the observer mission itself to the brink of collapse. Qatar called for a full review of the mission, urging that Arab troops be sent to quell the violence, but Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, Iraq and Lebanon all objected. After a day of heated argument, one decent idea did emerge – the so-called Yemeni solution: this would require Assad to hand over power to a deputy and to negotiate over a government of national unity, followed by presidential and parliamentary elections within five months. There are pitfalls to this plan, not least that in Yemen itself President Ali Abdullah Saleh's departure leaves his regime intact. But it was welcomed by the Syrian National Council, the main opposition coalition, in Cairo. The local co-ordination committees condemned the prolongation of the observer mission, pointing out that 795 Syrians had been killed during the first month of its operation. Syria's protesters are on their own, but the league may have given leverage to those who oppose Russia's efforts to keep on arming the Assad regime. At the moment, it is the most one can expect."
Editorial
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"A man sits in Damascus playing with his iPad. On it he calculates that France will have a new president in May, and in November America could well have one, too. The two bugbears of his life, Nicolas Sarkozy and Barack Obama, will have gone. Ergo, all he has to do is to live out the new year and his problems are over. Bashar Assad is delusional and, according to some reports, more responsible for the day-to-day repression than he would have us believe. But as an indication of the cocoon in which he lives, these calculations are tragically characteristic of the man.
Whether the civil war everyone feared has already started, it is clear now that events in Syria have acquired an unstoppable momentum of their own. The regime continues to crumble. Its economic situation deteriorates steadily – Syria's GDP shrank by nearly 30% last year – and law and order is steadily collapsing. Doubts persist about the unity of opposition groups, but the revolution is transforming itself into an armed struggle. The opposition are pan-national, and their numbers are growing, swelled not just by army defectors, but emboldened, too, by a growing sense of entitlement. If it did nothing else, the presence of the Arab League observer mission provided a vehicle for the opposition, and a measure by which the regime devalued by its deeds any commitments made in words to withdraw troops and release political prisoners.
Chaos inside Syria is matched by chaos outside it. The Arab League has a richly deserved reputation of being a consensus-based organisation that can never reach a consensus. Never more so than at its last meeting in Cairo on Sunday. The Saudis said they would withdraw their monitors in a move that might bring the observer mission itself to the brink of collapse. Qatar called for a full review of the mission, urging that Arab troops be sent to quell the violence, but Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, Iraq and Lebanon all objected. After a day of heated argument, one decent idea did emerge – the so-called Yemeni solution: this would require Assad to hand over power to a deputy and to negotiate over a government of national unity, followed by presidential and parliamentary elections within five months. There are pitfalls to this plan, not least that in Yemen itself President Ali Abdullah Saleh's departure leaves his regime intact. But it was welcomed by the Syrian National Council, the main opposition coalition, in Cairo. The local co-ordination committees condemned the prolongation of the observer mission, pointing out that 795 Syrians had been killed during the first month of its operation. Syria's protesters are on their own, but the league may have given leverage to those who oppose Russia's efforts to keep on arming the Assad regime. At the moment, it is the most one can expect."
24 Iraqi Lives are Worth 3 Months in Jail: US marine reaches plea deal over deaths of unarmed Iraqis

Frank Wuterich, who led the marine squad that killed 24 Iraqis in Haditha in 2005, faces three months' confinement and pay drop
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"A US marine accused of killing unarmed Iraqi women and children in 2005 has pleaded guilty to dereliction of duty, reaching a plea deal and ending the largest and longest-running criminal case against US troops to emerge from the Iraq war.
Staff sergeant Frank Wuterich led the marine squad in 2005 that killed 24 Iraqis in the town of Haditha after a roadside bomb exploded near a marine convoy, killing one marine and wounding two others.
Wuterich's plea interrupted his trial at Camp Pendleton before a jury of all combat marines who served in Iraq.
Wuterich faces a maximum of three months confinement, two-thirds forfeiture of pay, and a rank demotion to private when he is sentenced, likely to be Tuesday....."
guardian.co.uk, Monday 23 January 2012
"A US marine accused of killing unarmed Iraqi women and children in 2005 has pleaded guilty to dereliction of duty, reaching a plea deal and ending the largest and longest-running criminal case against US troops to emerge from the Iraq war.
Staff sergeant Frank Wuterich led the marine squad in 2005 that killed 24 Iraqis in the town of Haditha after a roadside bomb exploded near a marine convoy, killing one marine and wounding two others.
Wuterich's plea interrupted his trial at Camp Pendleton before a jury of all combat marines who served in Iraq.
Wuterich faces a maximum of three months confinement, two-thirds forfeiture of pay, and a rank demotion to private when he is sentenced, likely to be Tuesday....."
Yemen: Amnesty for Saleh and Aides Unlawful

New Immunity Law an Affront to Victims, Blow for Justice
Human Rights Watch
January 23, 2012
"(New York) – A new law granting amnesty to President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his aides violates Yemen’s international legal obligations, Human Rights Watch said today. The sweeping law provides domestic immunity from criminal prosecution for serious international crimes such as the deadly attacks on peaceful demonstrators in 2011.
The law enacted by Parliament on January 21, 2012 grants blanket immunity to Saleh from any prosecution during his 33-year rule. It also shields Saleh’s aides from prosecution for “political crimes,” as long as they are not terrorist acts. Last year’s attacks on protesters might be classified as political and therefore exempted from prosecution, Human Rights Watch said.
“This law sends the disgraceful message that there is no consequence for killing those who express dissent,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “The Yemeni government should be investigating senior officials linked to serious crimes, not letting them get away with murder.”......"
Human Rights Watch
January 23, 2012
"(New York) – A new law granting amnesty to President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his aides violates Yemen’s international legal obligations, Human Rights Watch said today. The sweeping law provides domestic immunity from criminal prosecution for serious international crimes such as the deadly attacks on peaceful demonstrators in 2011.
The law enacted by Parliament on January 21, 2012 grants blanket immunity to Saleh from any prosecution during his 33-year rule. It also shields Saleh’s aides from prosecution for “political crimes,” as long as they are not terrorist acts. Last year’s attacks on protesters might be classified as political and therefore exempted from prosecution, Human Rights Watch said.
“This law sends the disgraceful message that there is no consequence for killing those who express dissent,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “The Yemeni government should be investigating senior officials linked to serious crimes, not letting them get away with murder.”......"
Egypt: Parties pledge to end state of emergency, many stop short of committing to women’s rights

Amnesty International
24 January 2012
"Most of the biggest Egyptian political parties have committed to delivering ambitious human rights reform in the country’s transition, but have either given mixed signals or have flatly refused to sign up to ending discrimination, protecting women’s rights and to abolishing the death penalty, Amnesty International said today.
24 January 2012
"Most of the biggest Egyptian political parties have committed to delivering ambitious human rights reform in the country’s transition, but have either given mixed signals or have flatly refused to sign up to ending discrimination, protecting women’s rights and to abolishing the death penalty, Amnesty International said today.
Ahead of parliamentary elections which began in November, the organization asked political parties running in Egypt’s elections to sign a “human rights manifesto” containing 10 key measures to signal that they were serious about delivering meaningful human rights reform.
Amnesty International wrote to 54 political parties and sought meetings with 15 of the main ones, nine of whom signed up to the manifesto, either in its entirety or to some of the pledges. Three others gave oral feedback.
The Freedom and Justice Party, which won the most seats in the new People’s Assembly, was one of three parties not to respond substantively, despite considerable efforts by Amnesty International to seek its views. ...."
Arab League findings on Syria build pressure for UN action

"Evidence of human rights violations documented by the Arab League’s observer mission to Syria reinforces calls for the international community to address the worsening human rights and security situation in the country, Amnesty International said today.
The mission’s observers have submitted a field report to the Arab League on the first four weeks of their work, in which they are reported to have cited clear evidence of human rights violations by the Syrian government that is consistent with Amnesty International’s own findings. The full report has not been made public.
“The Arab League mission’s report has bolstered the case that the international community must take strong action to end the grave human rights violations committed in Syria since last March,” said Ann Harrison, Amnesty International’s interim Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director.
“The arguments of countries that have blocked action on Syria at the UN Security Council sound increasingly hollow – the Security Council must now respond effectively by referring the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court.”...."
The mission’s observers have submitted a field report to the Arab League on the first four weeks of their work, in which they are reported to have cited clear evidence of human rights violations by the Syrian government that is consistent with Amnesty International’s own findings. The full report has not been made public.
“The Arab League mission’s report has bolstered the case that the international community must take strong action to end the grave human rights violations committed in Syria since last March,” said Ann Harrison, Amnesty International’s interim Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director.
“The arguments of countries that have blocked action on Syria at the UN Security Council sound increasingly hollow – the Security Council must now respond effectively by referring the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court.”...."
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