Wednesday, August 5, 2015
Return: A Palestinian Memoir by Ghada Karmi review – good intentions turn to bitterness and isolation
By Avi Shlaim
Doctor, author, academic and political activist Ghada Karmi is versatile, cosmopolitan and highly intelligent, and comes across as both self-absorbed and deeply committed to the struggle for Palestinian rights. She has dual identity as a thoroughly anglicised woman who is also a staunch Palestinian nationalist, adept at presenting the Palestinian case to a western audience.
Karmi’s academic books on the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict do not add significantly to the voluminous literature on the subject. Her autobiographical works, however, provide a unique perspective on the Palestinian predicament. She is at her very best when she writes about herself. In Search of Fatima was a beautifully written and moving narrative of her displacement from Jerusalem in 1948 set against the backdrop of the major political events that shaped the course of modern Palestinian history. Return is both a sequel and a standalone memoir. On display is the same fluent writing style, the psychological insight and the outstanding skill for mixing the personal with the political.
In 2005, Karmi returned to her homeland not as a tourist but as a consultant to the ministry of media and communications of the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah. She wanted to be at the heart of things, to be part of the community, to make her contribution to state-building. But the actual experience she records in this memoir is one of pretty comprehensive disappointment and disillusion. The reader is invited to see through her eyes this angst-filled, rollercoaster journey.
Working for the PA turned out to be at once exhilarating and exhausting. It behaved as if it were the government of a state, with departments of finance, transport, education, health, etc; but, in reality, everything in the Palestinian occupied territories was controlled by Israel. By being on the inside, Karmi became aware of the profound and pervasive impact of Israeli power. She places both Israel and the PA under an harsh lens. The PA, she argues, assumed the trappings of a sovereignty over its lands while in reality it was subservient to the occupying power in every sense and at every level. With practically no sources of income of its own, it is heavily dependent on foreign aid from a variety of places. To Karmi’s way of thinking, the PA’s only honourable path is to abandon its empty, posturing display of power and to assume its proper role as the leadership of a people under colonial occupation.
The picture painted by her of the inner workings of her ministry is unflattering in the extreme, verging on the surreal. The ministry existed in a bubble of its own, paralysed by internal rivalries and petty bureaucratic infighting. Most of her colleagues saw her as a bossy and arrogant outsider and thwarted her at every turn. She looked with horror on the many Palestinian opportunists and time-servers who betrayed the ideals of the revolution although they brandished them whenever it was expedient. So the return to Palestine produced not a sense of solidarity in the struggle for the common cause but rather bitterness and alienation. Wherever the well-intentioned doctor went, she was out of place: too Palestinian in Britain and too British in Palestine.
Karmi’s entire life had centred on the fundamental facts of the catastrophe of 1948, from which all else was derivative. By her own estimation, she is one of the custodians of Palestinian history. So it came as a bit of a shock to discover that for the Palestinians in the occupied territories, people like her are irrelevant, far removed from the immediate reality of the extraordinarily harsh conditions imposed on them by the Israelis, their army and their settlements. It was not that the past was another country. But the locals were more preoccupied with the daily struggle for survival against a brutal oppressor than with the grand Palestinian narrative of the past.
In her travels through the occupied territories, Karmi saw nothing to lift her spirits. The worst blot on the landscape was the so-called “security barrier” that the Israelis are building on the West Bank in flagrant violation of international law. Israel’s transgressions against the Palestinians were nothing new to her. She had been campaigning against them since 1971. Surely, she thought, the wall was but another addition to a long, unsavoury symbol of something indefinably cruel; a naked expression of Israeli entitlement. Its brazen message to the world was: “This country was Israel’s and Israel’s alone, to settle, loot, divide, carve up, refashion, rename, and do with whatever it pleased.”
Karmi’s core belief throughout her adult life had been that the crime committed by Israel against the Palestinians in 1948 would somehow have to be redressed, that the dispossessed Palestinian nation must one day return to its country. Despite the defeatism of the Palestinian official stance and the indifference of many of the Palestinians around her, Karmi never doubted the rightness of her position. But following her return to Palestine, her core belief in that certainty began to falter. Her time there taught her that two fundamentals she had always believed in had been transformed out of all recognition: there was no national cause any more and no unified national struggle for return. She looked back on her whole assignment in “Palestine” and realised that she had achieved none of her aims because that would never have been possible in the Palestine that she found. She had travelled to the land of her birth with a sense of return, but it was a return to the past, to the Palestine of a distant memory, not to the dismal present place.In the Gaza Strip, Karmi saw nothing but a spectrum of despair. The dire situation in Gaza was of Israel’s making, created out of deliberate impoverishment and violence. It was a cruel social experiment in isolating almost half the population of Palestine, with far-reaching consequences for the society as a whole. Extremism, escapism, fanaticism and conspiracy theories thrive in such environments, and Gaza is prey to all of these. At one end of the scale of despair, Karmi saw suspicious, inward-looking people, averse to strangers; at the other end, she saw people enveloped in their cosy vision of a triumphant Islam that would vanquish their enemies. The wonder for Karmi was not that Gaza was caving in to narrow-mindedness and extreme religiosity but that, despite its depredations, it was still on its feet and fighting to stay alive.
Karmi’s journey filled her with bitterness and grief. She remembers looking down on a night-time Tel Aviv from the windows of a plane that took her back to London and thinking to herself: “Flotsam and jetsam, that’s what we have become, scattered and divided. There’s no room for us or our memories here. And it won’t ever be reversed.” This is a depressing conclusion to a profoundly depressing book. One puts it down with sympathy for the conflicted chronicler and a better appreciation of the formidable obstacles that remain on the road to Palestinian independence and statehood
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Real News Video:Israel's Nukes a Major Factor in Mideast Arms Race
Phyllis Bennis, fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies, says the Iran deal provides an opportunity to challenge Israel's unacknowledged, uninspected, but very well-known nuclear weapons arsenal
'Dreams of Arab Spring dashed' says Tunisia's Marzouki
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Former Tunisian president Moncef Marzouki has said the dreams of the Arab Spring are dead and warned of possible future failed states in the region.
The dreams that flourished during the Arab Spring have been dashed, and other Arab states could soon fall apart if they do not make quick changes, the former president of Tunisia said on Monday.
In a lecture in the Moroccan capital Rabat, Moncef Marzouki said the Arab Spring has turned into a nightmare and the real battle Arabs are up against is a "battle of values".
In a lecture in the Moroccan capital Rabat, Moncef Marzouki said the Arab Spring has turned into a nightmare and the real battle Arabs are up against is a "battle of values".
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There has not been a revolution and there will be no revolution if there is no moral revolution
- Moncef Marzouki  |
"All the dreams of the Arab Spring have been dashed. The Arab Spring has turned into a nightmare in Syria, Yemen and a vicious counter-revolution in Egypt, which will drag Egypt into a kind of civil war," he said at an event organised by the Alkarama Forum for Human Rights.
"The Arab World has seen states and governments fall apart, and the governments which we think will not collapse could possibly collapse quickly if they do not enact far-reaching reforms," Marzouki said, according to the Turkish government's Anadolu Agency.
The former president said Arabs have failed with the Arab Spring because they have not understood that the real battle is a "battle of values" and that "economic and political progress is based on a set of values".
"The Arab World has seen states and governments fall apart, and the governments which we think will not collapse could possibly collapse quickly if they do not enact far-reaching reforms," Marzouki said, according to the Turkish government's Anadolu Agency.
The former president said Arabs have failed with the Arab Spring because they have not understood that the real battle is a "battle of values" and that "economic and political progress is based on a set of values".
"There has not been a revolution and there will be no revolution if there is no moral revolution," he said.
The veteran human rights activist predicted that other "volcanoes will erupt" in the region unless Arab states "push for reforms to the greatest extent".
He also said, "The Tunisian revolution did not fail but it is going through a period of decline and it will rise again at another stage".
Iran, Egypt and regional regression
"The current Egyptian government is actively moving towards fascism and has already gone beyond authoritarianism. I feel sorry for this poor guy called Sisi when he thinks he can bring Egyptians back into obedience," said Marzouki.
He also called for "national reconciliation" in Egypt between the Muslim Brotherhood and the government and a "political solution" in Syria, adding that if both countries continue the way they are going "history will show them no mercy".
Marzouki said the return of sectarianism and tribalism is a "major part of the current regression" in the region and Iran's role in supporting authoritarianism in Syria, Iraq and Yemen "must be challenged".
"We must not accept these policies from Iran and our relations with Iran and our interests must be reciprocal and not be based on arrogance by any party" Marzouki said.
"The Arab Maghreb Union is in intensive care and no one dares say that it has died. The Gulf Cooperation Council is also suffering and the Arab League must go into retirement because it has gone past the intensive care stage. Behind the collapse of regional governments and systems is an accumulation of political crises," he added.
Marzouki, 70, is a former dissident who was forced into exile in France during the rule of former Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.
As interim president following the Tunisian revolution in 2011, he presided over the nation's transition to democracy before losing the presidency to Mohamed Beji Caid Essebsi in a 2014 election.
The veteran human rights activist predicted that other "volcanoes will erupt" in the region unless Arab states "push for reforms to the greatest extent".
He also said, "The Tunisian revolution did not fail but it is going through a period of decline and it will rise again at another stage".
Iran, Egypt and regional regression
"The current Egyptian government is actively moving towards fascism and has already gone beyond authoritarianism. I feel sorry for this poor guy called Sisi when he thinks he can bring Egyptians back into obedience," said Marzouki.
He also called for "national reconciliation" in Egypt between the Muslim Brotherhood and the government and a "political solution" in Syria, adding that if both countries continue the way they are going "history will show them no mercy".
Marzouki said the return of sectarianism and tribalism is a "major part of the current regression" in the region and Iran's role in supporting authoritarianism in Syria, Iraq and Yemen "must be challenged".
"We must not accept these policies from Iran and our relations with Iran and our interests must be reciprocal and not be based on arrogance by any party" Marzouki said.
"The Arab Maghreb Union is in intensive care and no one dares say that it has died. The Gulf Cooperation Council is also suffering and the Arab League must go into retirement because it has gone past the intensive care stage. Behind the collapse of regional governments and systems is an accumulation of political crises," he added.
Marzouki, 70, is a former dissident who was forced into exile in France during the rule of former Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.
As interim president following the Tunisian revolution in 2011, he presided over the nation's transition to democracy before losing the presidency to Mohamed Beji Caid Essebsi in a 2014 election.
حارق الربيع لا يثأر للرضيع
A VERY GOOD COMMENT
وائل قنديل
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.. ومن تجليات العبث واللامعقول العربي، في هذه الأيام، أن أحد مقاولي هدم ثورات الربيع العربي وإحراقها في كل مكان، والبديل الذي يفضله الصهاينة لتولي السلطة الفلسطينية، يتقمص شخصية عز الدين القسام، ويرتدي زي الثائرين، ويطلق صيحة الجهاد ضد الإسرائيليين. لم يكن عمال فندق "فيرمونت" في القاهرة قد انتهوا من غسل الكؤوس والصحون التي جمعت محمد دحلان، رأس الحربة في مشروع الثورات المضادة العربية، بالسفير الصهيوني في القاهرة، لمناسبة حفل عرس ابن دحلان، والذي لا يزال يتحدث عن بذخه الركبان والسيارة والطيارة، إذ أقيم في أوسع قاعة مناسبات في مصر، وتمتع المدعوون من كل مكان بتذاكر السفر والإقامة المجانية. خبر حضور السفير الصهيوني العرس أكدته شخصيات عدة، كانت حاضرة للمناسبة التي لا يفصلها عن جريمة حرق الرضيع الفلسطيني، علي دوابشة، حيّاً، سوى أيام معدودات.. لذا، تبدو غريبة هذه اللهجة التي توعد بها دحلان الإسرائيليين بالعقاب الرادع. يقولون في المثل الشعبي "الكلام ما عليه جمارك". لذا وصل السيد دحلان بسقف التصريحات إلى حد اختراق حاجز الصوت والضوء، أيضا، في سياق الاستثمار السريع لمأساة رضيع النار الفلسطيني، فكتب على صفحته الرسمية يقول "يجب الرد أولاً وفوراً على جريمة اغتيال الطفل الفلسطيني، علي دوابشة، قبل الانشغال بالكلام ومحاولات توصيف الجريمة، ولا داعي أيضا للبحث في الأسس القانونية والأخلاقية لطبيعة الرد، فمن قتل يقتل أولاً، وذلك حق مكفول في كل شرائع الارض و السماء". ثم ينتحل دحلان حنجرة القسام، وأحمد ياسين، وعنقود الشهداء المقاومين ليهتف: "أتوجه، في هذه اللحظات، إلى جماهير شعبنا في كل مكان، وخاصة قواعد وكوادر وقيادات فتح، بنداء صادق للرد على هذه الجريمة السافلة بانتفاضة شعبية سلمية مستمرة، لتذكير العالم أجمع بقوة إرادة شعبنا وحقوقه الوطنية الراسخة، وأدعو أبناء فتح لاسترداد دورهم المتقدم في حماية أبناء شعبنا من غلاة المستوطنين". من يقرأ ما سبق يتخيل أن دحلان، بعد ساعات من إعلانه، سيرتدي ملابس الحرب، ويمتشق سيفه، ويمتطي جواده، وينادي، في "بني عبسه"، أن حي على الجهاد، وأن الكيان الصهيوني سيرفع درجة الاستعداد للقصوى، ويشعل الضوء البرتقالي والأحمر، ويدعو قطعان المستعمرين إلى النزول إلى المخابئ. غير أنه مر يوم ويومان وثلاثة، وستمر بالطبع جمعة وشهر وشهور وسنوات، من دون أن يرى أحد محمد دحلان في طليعة صفوف المجاهدين والمقاومين، ذلك أن الأمر كله لا يعدو كونه أداء تمثيليا ركيكا، لا إسرائيل تعاطت معه بجدية، ولا الشعب الفلسطيني رأى فيه سوى هرج وهزر في مقام الحزن، أو بالحد الأقصى استغلالا لحدث، وتوظيفه في المعركة التي يتنافس فيها دحلان مع عباس على لقب الرجل الأصلح لإسرائيل وأميركا. دحلان مثل عباس، يدركان أن بقاءهما، إن على رأس السلطة، أو في دور البديل الجاهز لها، يبقى مرهونا بالرضا الإسرائيلي، فكلاهما قدم خدمات جليلة للكيان الصهيوني في التخلص من ياسر عرفات، قبل أحد عشر عاماً. عباس أيضا، أرغى وأزبد، وأرعد وأبرق، أمام العدسات، مع جريمة حرق الدوابشة، ثم تدنى إلى استقبال وفد من أعضاء حزب ميريتس الصهيوني. كلاهما عبّر عن غضب مؤقت، عابر، وجلس ينتظر أن تقدم له الإدارة الإسرائيلية ما يحفظ له مظهره أمام شعبه، دحلان يتصور أنه يمكن أن يرث عباس، بقرار صهيوني، كما ورث عباس عرفات، بمعاونة دحلان، غير أن الاحتلال لا يمنح هدايا، وإنما يعطي تعليمات وأوامر، ولا يمكن أن يغضب المستوطنين، لعيون أمراء السلطة الفلسطينية. يقول لنا التاريخ إنه في 4 يونيو/ حزيران 2003 اجتمع أبو مازن وشارون وجورج بوش والـملك عبد الله الثاني، عاهل الأردن، في العقبة، بينما كان رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية، ياسر عرفات، أسيراً في المقاطعة، يشاهدهم عبر التلفزيون، حيث بدا أبو مازن متعجلا وراثة أبو عمار، فلم يذكر مأساة اعتقال الأخير وعزله في مقره الرئاسي بكلمة، فقط، دعا أبو مازن الفلسطينيين إلى إنهاء الانتفاضة الـمسلحة، متعهدا نصا، لمناسبة فرضه رئيسا للحكومة، بقرار من شارون وبوش، بالإنهاء التام للعنف والإرهاب . بعد تعيين عباس رئيسا للحكومة، شن شارون هجوماً كاسحاً على عرفات، من زاوية أن رئيس الوزراء الفلسطيني لا يستطيع العمل بهدوء، وجهوده تتعرض للتخريب، والسبب عرفات "الذي لا يزال العقبة الرئيسية" قبل الإسلاميين، "أمام كل محاولة للسلام". وباقي القصة معروف، قتلت إسرائيل عرفات، لكي يعيش "عباسها" رئيساً، مع الاحتفاظ بدحلان، شبحاً أو فزاعة تستخدمها إن نسي أبو مازن نفسه، وخرج عن النص، وفي المحصلة، الاثنان يتنافسان على نيل الرضا. لذا، سيحرق ألف رضيع ورضيع، ولن يفعلا شيئا، إلا الكلام. سيواصل عباس دوره المرسوم في حرق الربيع الفلسطيني المقاوم، وخنقه وحصاره والتآمر عليه، وسيبقى دحلان يؤدي المطلوب منه في إحراق كل سنابل الربيع، الثائر، في بلاد العرب.
وائل قنديل
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.. ومن تجليات العبث واللامعقول العربي، في هذه الأيام، أن أحد مقاولي هدم ثورات الربيع العربي وإحراقها في كل مكان، والبديل الذي يفضله الصهاينة لتولي السلطة الفلسطينية، يتقمص شخصية عز الدين القسام، ويرتدي زي الثائرين، ويطلق صيحة الجهاد ضد الإسرائيليين. لم يكن عمال فندق "فيرمونت" في القاهرة قد انتهوا من غسل الكؤوس والصحون التي جمعت محمد دحلان، رأس الحربة في مشروع الثورات المضادة العربية، بالسفير الصهيوني في القاهرة، لمناسبة حفل عرس ابن دحلان، والذي لا يزال يتحدث عن بذخه الركبان والسيارة والطيارة، إذ أقيم في أوسع قاعة مناسبات في مصر، وتمتع المدعوون من كل مكان بتذاكر السفر والإقامة المجانية. خبر حضور السفير الصهيوني العرس أكدته شخصيات عدة، كانت حاضرة للمناسبة التي لا يفصلها عن جريمة حرق الرضيع الفلسطيني، علي دوابشة، حيّاً، سوى أيام معدودات.. لذا، تبدو غريبة هذه اللهجة التي توعد بها دحلان الإسرائيليين بالعقاب الرادع. يقولون في المثل الشعبي "الكلام ما عليه جمارك". لذا وصل السيد دحلان بسقف التصريحات إلى حد اختراق حاجز الصوت والضوء، أيضا، في سياق الاستثمار السريع لمأساة رضيع النار الفلسطيني، فكتب على صفحته الرسمية يقول "يجب الرد أولاً وفوراً على جريمة اغتيال الطفل الفلسطيني، علي دوابشة، قبل الانشغال بالكلام ومحاولات توصيف الجريمة، ولا داعي أيضا للبحث في الأسس القانونية والأخلاقية لطبيعة الرد، فمن قتل يقتل أولاً، وذلك حق مكفول في كل شرائع الارض و السماء". ثم ينتحل دحلان حنجرة القسام، وأحمد ياسين، وعنقود الشهداء المقاومين ليهتف: "أتوجه، في هذه اللحظات، إلى جماهير شعبنا في كل مكان، وخاصة قواعد وكوادر وقيادات فتح، بنداء صادق للرد على هذه الجريمة السافلة بانتفاضة شعبية سلمية مستمرة، لتذكير العالم أجمع بقوة إرادة شعبنا وحقوقه الوطنية الراسخة، وأدعو أبناء فتح لاسترداد دورهم المتقدم في حماية أبناء شعبنا من غلاة المستوطنين". من يقرأ ما سبق يتخيل أن دحلان، بعد ساعات من إعلانه، سيرتدي ملابس الحرب، ويمتشق سيفه، ويمتطي جواده، وينادي، في "بني عبسه"، أن حي على الجهاد، وأن الكيان الصهيوني سيرفع درجة الاستعداد للقصوى، ويشعل الضوء البرتقالي والأحمر، ويدعو قطعان المستعمرين إلى النزول إلى المخابئ. غير أنه مر يوم ويومان وثلاثة، وستمر بالطبع جمعة وشهر وشهور وسنوات، من دون أن يرى أحد محمد دحلان في طليعة صفوف المجاهدين والمقاومين، ذلك أن الأمر كله لا يعدو كونه أداء تمثيليا ركيكا، لا إسرائيل تعاطت معه بجدية، ولا الشعب الفلسطيني رأى فيه سوى هرج وهزر في مقام الحزن، أو بالحد الأقصى استغلالا لحدث، وتوظيفه في المعركة التي يتنافس فيها دحلان مع عباس على لقب الرجل الأصلح لإسرائيل وأميركا. دحلان مثل عباس، يدركان أن بقاءهما، إن على رأس السلطة، أو في دور البديل الجاهز لها، يبقى مرهونا بالرضا الإسرائيلي، فكلاهما قدم خدمات جليلة للكيان الصهيوني في التخلص من ياسر عرفات، قبل أحد عشر عاماً. عباس أيضا، أرغى وأزبد، وأرعد وأبرق، أمام العدسات، مع جريمة حرق الدوابشة، ثم تدنى إلى استقبال وفد من أعضاء حزب ميريتس الصهيوني. كلاهما عبّر عن غضب مؤقت، عابر، وجلس ينتظر أن تقدم له الإدارة الإسرائيلية ما يحفظ له مظهره أمام شعبه، دحلان يتصور أنه يمكن أن يرث عباس، بقرار صهيوني، كما ورث عباس عرفات، بمعاونة دحلان، غير أن الاحتلال لا يمنح هدايا، وإنما يعطي تعليمات وأوامر، ولا يمكن أن يغضب المستوطنين، لعيون أمراء السلطة الفلسطينية. يقول لنا التاريخ إنه في 4 يونيو/ حزيران 2003 اجتمع أبو مازن وشارون وجورج بوش والـملك عبد الله الثاني، عاهل الأردن، في العقبة، بينما كان رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية، ياسر عرفات، أسيراً في المقاطعة، يشاهدهم عبر التلفزيون، حيث بدا أبو مازن متعجلا وراثة أبو عمار، فلم يذكر مأساة اعتقال الأخير وعزله في مقره الرئاسي بكلمة، فقط، دعا أبو مازن الفلسطينيين إلى إنهاء الانتفاضة الـمسلحة، متعهدا نصا، لمناسبة فرضه رئيسا للحكومة، بقرار من شارون وبوش، بالإنهاء التام للعنف والإرهاب . بعد تعيين عباس رئيسا للحكومة، شن شارون هجوماً كاسحاً على عرفات، من زاوية أن رئيس الوزراء الفلسطيني لا يستطيع العمل بهدوء، وجهوده تتعرض للتخريب، والسبب عرفات "الذي لا يزال العقبة الرئيسية" قبل الإسلاميين، "أمام كل محاولة للسلام". وباقي القصة معروف، قتلت إسرائيل عرفات، لكي يعيش "عباسها" رئيساً، مع الاحتفاظ بدحلان، شبحاً أو فزاعة تستخدمها إن نسي أبو مازن نفسه، وخرج عن النص، وفي المحصلة، الاثنان يتنافسان على نيل الرضا. لذا، سيحرق ألف رضيع ورضيع، ولن يفعلا شيئا، إلا الكلام. سيواصل عباس دوره المرسوم في حرق الربيع الفلسطيني المقاوم، وخنقه وحصاره والتآمر عليه، وسيبقى دحلان يؤدي المطلوب منه في إحراق كل سنابل الربيع، الثائر، في بلاد العرب.
Tuesday, August 4, 2015
المرزوقي: أزمتنا فكرية وأخلاقية
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قال الرئيس التونسي السابق المنصف المرزوقيإن الأزمة في العالم العربي هي أزمة فكرية وأخلاقية وليست أزمة مفاهيم، معتبرا أن كل الأحلام التي جاء بها الربيع العربي ذهبت أدراج الرياح، ومبديا تفاؤله في جيل الشباب وبمستقبل المنطقة.
وقال المرزوقي في محاضرة ألقاها مساء أمس الاثنين بالعاصمة المغربية الرباط "نحن في أزمة فكرية وليس أزمة مفاهيم"، مضيفا "تمسكنا بالمفاهيم لأزيد من خمسين عاما كما يتمسك الغريق بالقشة"، بدءا بالاشتراكية والقومية والإسلام السياسي وأخيرا الديمقراطية ليظهر في كل مرة أن الواقع أعقد من أن تحل مشاكله هذه المفاهيم، حسب رأيه.
واعتبر المرزوقي أن العالم العربي يعيش أزمة أخلاقية، وقال "لقد فشلنا لأننا لم نفهم أن معركتنا هي معركة قيم"، مشددا على أن الثورة لن تنجح ما لم تكن هناك "ثورة أخلاقية".
وأضاف -في المحاضرة التي ألقاها بدعوة من الائتلاف المغربي لهيئات حقوق الإنسان- أن هناك هزات ارتدادية لن تقتصر على الدول العربية التي تعيشها الآن، بل ستتعدى إلى كل الدول التي لا تأخذ حذرها في المستقبل ولا تقوم بالإصلاحات الحقيقية.
وقال الرئيس التونسي السابق -الذي سلم الرئاسة إلى الباجي قائد السبسي امتثالا لنتائج الانتخابات- إنه ينبغي التعامل مع الديمقراطية بحذر وألا يتم اتخاذها "صنما"، مشددا على أن الثورة التونسية لم تفشل لكنها تعيش "مرحلة جزر"، وأنها ستعود إلى "مرحلة المد".
واستطرد المرزوقي بالقول إن العالم العربي شهد انهيار منظومة إقليمية وأحلامها، معتبرا أن اتحاد المغرب العربي "يوجد في غرفة الإنعاش ولا أحد يجرؤ على القول إنه مات"، ومجلس التعاون الخليجي "يعاني"، والجامعة العربية "يجب أن تحال على التقاعد"، مشككا في إمكانية عودة العراق وسوريا إلى سالف عهديهما.
ورأى المرزوقي أن "كل الأحلام التي حملها الربيع العربي ذهبت أدراج الرياح"، وأن الربيع العربي تحول إلى "كابوس" في سوريا واليمن، وإلى "ثورة مضادة شرسة" ستدفع مصر إلى نوع من "الحرب الأهلية".
وبالرغم من ذلك، أبدى المرزوقي تفاؤلا في المستقبل، معتبرا أن الأمل في الشباب
"لأنه متعطش إلى العدالة الاجتماعية ولن يسمح للاستبداد أن يعود"، كما رأى أن مرحلة الثورات هي مرحلة تدمير ويجب أن تعقبها مرحلة بناء.Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Online Poll
Another poll of the is-the-Pope-Catholic variety:
Was the Arab and Islamic response to the crime of burning of the Palestinian toddler Ali Dawabsheh adequate?
So far, 97% have voted no.
COMMENT
Muslims and Arabs don't give a damn about Palestine and the Palestinians. Al-Aqsa Mosque will soon be divided and ultimately completely taken over by the hordes of Zionist terrorists. Even then Muslims will barely notice.
In my opinion, what is happening now is even a bigger Nakba than in 1948. Why? Because this one is final; after it there will be no Palestine, except in poetry.
Even the Palestinians can't get off their asses and mobilize in an effective way. If a people are that apathetic, oblivion is their future.
Who burnt Ali Dawabsheh to death?
Abdul Sattar Qassem
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Hardly a day goes by without a Palestinian being killed by Israelis. Sometimes, they are killed by the occupation army and on other occasions they are killed by extremist Jewish settlers. Palestinians are being killed outside the context of confrontations, throwing stones and shooting bullets.
It is fairly obvious from the behaviour of Israeli soldiers that they are entertaining themselves by killing Palestinians. This is evidenced by the fact that some Palestinians are killed in their own homes or on their rooftops even when they have no intention of throwing stones at the soldiers. Every time a Palestinian is killed, the Israelis find a justification for the soldiers' criminal behaviour. They always come up with some idea that allows the criminals to escape accountability.
Last Friday, Jewish settlers committed another crime. They launched an arson attack on the Dawabsheh family in the village of Duma, near Nablus. They burnt 18 month old Ali Dawabsheh alive while his parents suffered very serious injuries. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is paying for their treatment out of his own pocket rather than from the PA treasury, as he pledged to do.
The Palestinians, especially officials, attacked the Israelis over the burning of the child and criticised, condemned and cursed their occupation. They all held the occupation responsible for the crime on the grounds that it is the occupation authorities who arm and protect the settlers and give them the freedom to do as they please in the West Bank.
Reading the statements issued by the various factions, it is easy to imagine that the Israeli occupation authorities are respectful and disciplined, and would not allow such criminal acts to be committed against the Palestinians. All of the statements and comments made by the Palestinian factions and political statements overlook the nature of occupation when it calls on the Israeli government to rein-in the settlers and control their soldiers' bullets.
Occupation by definition is a criminal and degenerate status that contradicts the principles of human rights, the UN Charter, international law and international morals and ethics. The Israeli occupation is hateful and despicable by nature and it works against the people. It subjects the lives, interests and property of the Palestinians to constant danger. The occupation is oppressive and brutal and innovative in finding new ways to control people and keep them fearful. It always works to spread terror in the hearts of those living under it. In the circumstances, holding the occupation responsible for killing people and confiscating their property is considered to be an attempt to avoid the problem.
However, holding the Israeli occupation responsible for its crimes is not only a confirmation of its behaviour and definition, but is also useless. Those who are responsible for the occupation's continued brutality include those who live under occupation without resisting it. To such people I would ask, if the Israelis rein-in the settlers, will it be acceptable?
Many lands have been colonised and their people placed under occupation throughout history and the only way that they obtained their freedom was by confronting the occupation, making it hell for the occupiers to stay. Some Palestinians and most Arabs talk about the Israeli occupation's responsibility for its crimes, but they do not talk about the absence of a Palestinian-Arab plan to deter the Zionists and remove the occupation.
An occupying force does not stop its crimes through moral or legal arguments; it stops when it is confronted by a deterrent which makes the occupation too costly to maintain. The Palestinians and Arabs have not developed a long-term plan to confront the Israeli occupation, although many have exhausted themselves trying to please Israel.
The only genuine resistance in the occupied West Bank is on an individual level. There is no deterrent so Israel does not hesitate to commit its many crimes; it knows that there will be no Palestinian reaction, but if there is, it will be tame. Israel knows that the Palestinian arena is angry over the burning to death of the child, but it is also aware that the Palestinians do not have a driving force that will generate momentum for a large scale movement that will push the occupation into a corner. This is due to the deterioration of the national culture in favour of the consumer culture.
In addition, resistance is actually – and perversely - prohibited by the Palestinian Authority. Rebels or those intending to resist are persecuted by the Palestinian security services in accordance with the coordination with Israel. Countless rebels have been arrested and tortured by these security agencies. This security aspect is the primary reason for Israel to be happy to sign agreements with the Palestinians, Egyptians and Jordanians.
Every Arab who wants to be linked with Israel by means of agreements must become a loyal protector of Israel's security. Those who are coordinating in terms of security with Israel and cooperating against Palestinian rebels were the first to condemn the arson attack which killed young Ali Dawabsheh. However, these same individuals will wake up tomorrow morning and continue their security coordination with the occupation. They are not ashamed of lying to the people; many actually enjoy lying to them. The PA hates telling the truth, and there are those who hate hearing the truth and prefer to remain blissfully ignorant.
The issue is not limited to security coordination, but also includes the defence of settlers and providing them with protection. If a Palestinian throws a stone at a settler, the Palestinian security forces will immediately go after the boy who threw the stone and detain him. They won't tackle the rampant settlers.
In the past, the streets of the occupied West Bank were under the control of the Palestinian people, who could walk around the territories and feel safe. The settlers only moved around in vehicles with armed guards. Now, they are spread across the streets in the West Bank because of the PA's obligations to the security of Jewish settlers and Israelis in general.
Those who leave the doors to their homes open are inviting thieves, criminals and thugs to attack them; this is exactly what is happening in the West Bank. The doors have been left wide open and the thugs are infiltrating the area with nothing to stop them. As such, although it was Jewish settlers who burned Ali Dawabsheh to death, we are all responsible for the negligence of Palestinian security and we have given the Israelis the opportunity to disregard us and our capabilities and go on attacking us.
Countries around the world generally resist oppressors and dictators. This is not a fad or a phase, it is a historical fact, but we are departing from it during this black phase in our history. We want to free ourselves through appeasing our enemies and arming ourselves with weakness, weeping and wailing. Our actions will not be our salvation; instead, it will give the Israelis more ammunition with which to attack us.
International law and international decision-making created Israel. It displaced the Palestinian people and continues to do so, expelling them to refugee camps and various corners of the world.
Palestinian officials always say that Israel is violating international law and that it does not adhere to international legitimacy. This is true, and the occupation in itself violates all international, religious, moral and historical laws, conventions and norms. However, there is one sort of legitimacy that Israel holds on to, and it is the most important type of legitimacy in this world which lacks justice; the legitimacy bestowed by force.
The strong trump all and the world's laws, values and moral principles all collapse in the face of brute strength. There are countless examples of this around the world. The ICC ruled that the wall built by Israel is illegal, but what happened? Israel continued to construct the wall and no one stopped it. Now we are turning to the ICC for help; what if the court decides to convict Israel? Which international measures do we expect to be taken against it? I do not expect anything to be done. The decision to convict Israel will be like all the other decisions that were made on the international level; words on paper but little or no concrete action.
We should not count on the courts or so-called international legitimacy; we must only count on our own hands and efforts. The decision to convict Israel may affect its status in the world and it may contribute to its isolation, but it will not liberate Palestine or allow the refugees to return. The question that we must ask when evaluating any step taken against Israel is how will it change the daily reality of the Palestinians on the ground? If a step or decision is not reflected on the ground, then it will not change the conditions of the Palestinians. This is similar to the governments formed by the Palestinian Authority, despite the fact that they already know these governments do not control or govern anything.
We have strong arguments to make in the international arena, and despite the strength of the truth and the Palestinian and Arab arguments, will still not be able to convince any countries to take measures against Israel. We also have been unable to influence the UN Security Council to make decisions similar to those it makes against the Arabs and Muslims. Why? We choose to bank on our vulnerability.
We have relied heavily on our weakness, thinking that it will generate sympathy and compassion for us, following which the colonial countries will put pressure on Israel by adopting harsh sanctions. Our reliance on our weakness may be a unique case in human history. Historically, we have seen that individuals and nations build up strength in order to face challenges in their various forms, but the Palestinians have preserved their weakness, especially during the years when the PA has been present to solve their problems.
The PA has been very cautious in the process of unifying the Palestinian people and building new strategies to take advantage of the moment and popular strength required to deter the enemy. The authority does not see any way to fulfil Palestinian ambitions other than through the occupation, so it works on maintaining the weakness now witnessed in the West Bank, and even tries to deepen it in order to please Israel and the Western countries supporting it. This is a very strange political theory and it should be documented by the students of political science.
There is a belief within the PA that preventing Palestinian rebels from resisting and confiscating their weapons actually serves the interests of the people. The justification for this is that Israel will be angry if the resistance spreads in the West Bank, and it will retaliate by making the lives of the Palestinians even more difficult by imposing new military checkpoints and curfews, demolishing more homes, preventing Palestinians from traveling, and so on.
But what is better for the Palestinians? Remaining quiet and not resisting or allowing their lives to become a living hell? The answer from the PA is that we must acquiesce in the face of the occupation. In this, the Palestinian Authority is keen on protecting the interests of the people even when it means that the Israeli occupation remains in place. It is clear that the national Palestinian interests have now become completely linked to the survival of the occupation. This is a new political theory that must also be taught at universities.
Translated from Al Jazeera net, 2 August, 2015.
Monday, August 3, 2015
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