Monday, February 20, 2017

الحصاد 2017/2/20-سوريا.. الحرب على المستشفيات

WOW! The Trump Bedminster tape, Audio Trump Secret Golf Club Speeches

مقتل أربعة جنود روس بانفجار عبوة بسورية

A MESSAGE TO THE STUPID SYRIAN "OPPOSITION":

THIS IS HOW YOU FIGHT THE CRIMINAL SYRIAN REGIME AND HIS RUSSIAN BACKERS, NOT BY OCCUPYING TOWNS AND DISTRICTS AND BECOMING SITTING DUCKS FOR THE RUSSIAN AIR FORCE!

SOME, APPARENTLY, ARE BEGINNING TO LEARN.
مقتل 4 عسكريين روس جراء انفجار سيارة في حمص
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قتل أربعة جنود روس بانفجار عبوة يدوية الصنع لدى عبور قافلتهم في طريقها إلى حمص بوسط سورية، وفق ما نقلت وكالات الأنباء الروسية، اليوم الإثنين، عن الجيش الروسي.
وقالت وزارة الدفاع الروسية "في 16 شباط/فبراير، تسبب تفجير عبوة يدوية الصنع من بعد بمقتل أربعة عسكريين روس، فيما أصيب اثنان آخران والاطباء يبذلون فيما وسعهم لإنقاذهما"، موضحة أن آلية الجنود كانت ضمن قافلة للجيش السوري متوجهة إلى حمص واستهدفت قرب مطار طياس العسكري.
وذكرت الوزارة أن الانفجار الذي وقع يوم الخميس الماضي، أصاب رتل عربات عسكرية سورية وروسية تحمل مستشارين من قاعدة جوية في التياس ومن مدينة حمص.

Sunday, February 19, 2017

سورية.. الإجرام ممارسة سياسية

ميشيل كيلو
ميشيل كيلو
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قبل انطلاق الثورة السورية بوقت قصير، التقى مسؤولون أمنيون من أعلى المستويات بمعارضين معتقلين، وأخبروهم بما سيجري في سورية من فظاعات وويلات، في حال وقعت فيها ثورة، أو نزل مواطنوها إلى الشارع محتجين. قالوا ما مختصره: لن يكون ما جرى في ليبيا من دمار وقتل غير مشهد إنساني مفعم بالرّقة، بالمقارنة مع ما سنفعله بكم في سورية، بعد أن أعددنا للأمر عدته، وقرّرنا أن لا نتردّد في استعمال جميع أنواع التدابير التي تقتضيها حتمية بقاء السلطة والشعب حيث هما: الأولى في الحكم والثاني في بيت الطاعة. 

قال هذا الكلام رئيس المخابرات الجوية جميل حسن الذي ذهب بعد الثورة بأيام إلى بشار الأسد طالبا إطلاق يده في الشعب، ومتعهدا أن يقتل عشرة آلاف سوري (قالت رواية أخرى إنه تعهد بقتل مليوني سوري) وأن يذهب بعد ذلك إلى محكمة الجنايات الدولية نيابة عنه وعن أرباب نظامه. وقال شيئا كهذا أو أشدّ منه بقية قادة شعب الأجهزة وأفرعها الذين تحدثوا عن خطةٍ أعدت منذ عقود لمواجهة الشغب بجميع ما في ترسانة النظام من سلاح، ولتدمير البلاد من أجل إخماد الثورة، وحجتهم أن لمن عمّرها أول مرة حق تدميرها وإعادة إعمارها من جديد، بعد إعادة الأمن والهدوء إليها، أي بعد ذبح شعبها. 


ليس سرا أن قيادة النظام قرّرت مواجهة الشعب بأقصى قدر من العنف، منذ حكم الأسد الأب سورية، وأعلنت قرارها قبل الثورة بأشهر أفصحت خلالها عما ستقوم به: استخدام الجيش والمخابرات للمحافظة على السلطة بالعنف، بحجةٍ تم ترويجها خلال نصف قرن، ترى في السلطة جهةً أكثر أهمية ومحورية من الوطن، يعد إضعافها أو التخلص منها كارثةً تحل به، لأنها هي التي بنت سورية ومنحتها فرادتها الاستثنائية، ومن المحال الإتيان بسلطةٍ مماثلة، إن هي سقطت. بهذا الفهم، صارت السلطة مصلحة الوطن الأعلى، وغدا نقدها خيانة وطنية، ومثله التمرّد عليها، بل إنها تصير هي نفسها خائنةً إذا لم تردّ على المنتقدين والمتمرّدين بقدرٍ من العنف يقضي عليهم من دون هوادة. لا داعي للقول إن السيادة لا يجوز أن تكون هنا للشعب، بالنظر إلى أنها تتجسّد في صاحب السلطة، الجهة التي يتم إنتاج الشأن العام ومصالح الدولة والمجتمع العليا انطلاقا منها، وبدلالتها الشخصية. ولا بد أن تعتبر قمة السلطة وقاعدتها 

وحاملها في آن معا. بذلك، لا يجوز أن يبقى للمواطنين من دور غير دور قطيع يؤمر فيطيع، أليس مجرد مادة خام تشكلها يد الملهم المعصوم، القابع على رأس السلطة الذي لا يشاركه أحد في دوره وسلطاته ومكانته. ولا يحقّ لأحد من خارج دائرته حتى مخاطبته أو الوصول إليه، ولا مفرّ من أن يستطيع هو الوصول إلى أيّ كان، ما دام من مصلحة المواطن والوطن أن يكون في قبضته، هو الذي يعرفه خيرا من نفسه، ويعرف ما لا يعرفه أو يستطيع أن يعرفه سواه، ويتفوق بعصمته على أفراد شعب"ه" مجتمعين، وتصدر عنه حقيقة وطن"ه" وهوية مجتمعه، فليس في مصلحة الوطن أن يتوهم أي كان أن في وسعه التمتّع بشيء من صفاته ما فوق البشرية التي تضعه في مراتب لا يمكن أن يصل إليها غيره، فلماذا لا يُرغم من يعيشون في ظله على الخضوع من دون قيد أو شرط لإرادته، وقبول ما يصدر عنه والامتثال المطلق لأوامره؟! 
في سلطةٍ هذا طابع علاقتها بشعب"ها"، لا تبقي أي هامش مهما كان طفيفا للمختلف أو المحايد، يعامل من لا يخضع لها معاملة عدو، ولا تسمح بأي قدرٍ من الحرية والتباين ـ وبالتالي التسامح، مهما كان محدودا. ويكون المبدأ الناظم لعلاقة من هم فوق مع من هم تحت، هو التالي: نحكمكم أو نقتلكم. هذا الوضع الرهيب يغرق المواطن في حال من الفصام الشامل، يصير معه مواليا في المجال العام، متمرّدا ومعاديا في مجاله الخاص، يتلهف لإخراج نفسه قبضته، ويخشى، في الوقت نفسه، التمرّد عليه، على الرغم من أنه يحلم بتقويضه بل وتدميره. من الطبيعي أن يكون هذا الوضع، المشحون بقدرٍ هائلٍ من التوتر اللاطي تحت سطح حياة يبدو راكدا ومستقرا، عرضةً للانفجار في أي وقتٍ بقوة عداء عام يسم علاقة السلطة بشعب"ها"، الذي تموت إن هو قوّض سيطرتها عليه، وتعيش من إبقائه ميتا، وترفض أي حل وسط أو تسوية معه؟ ألا يفسّر هذا نفور النظام الشديد من فكرة المصالحة الوطنية والتسوية الداخلية والوطنية للمشكلات والأزمات؟ ولماذا لاحق وطارد من قالوا بهما أو دعوا إليهما، واعتبرهم أعداءً تحمل عروضهم التصالحية بذور انهياره وموته؟ 


لم يتخلّ النظام يوما عن هذه الرؤية، وتصرّف دوما وكأنه يعادل الوطن أو يكون الوطن ذاته، الذي لا يبقى ويستمر، ولا يحق له أن يبقى ويستمر، إلا بقيادة مجسد النظام والوطن في شخصه "السيد الرئيس" الذي لا يحق لوطنه البقاء بعده أو بدونه، وقال أتباعه: "الأسد أو نحرق البلد"، و"الأسد أو لا أحد". في منطق السلطة: الدفاع عن شخص الرئيس هو دفاع عن الوطن والنظام في آن معا، ولا أهمية إطلاقا لما يترتّب على التمسك به وبالسلطة من نتائج على سورية وشعبها: كدمارها بيتا بيتا وشارعا شارعا، وإبادة بناتها وأبنائها شيبا وشبانا، كما يحدث فيها منذ أعوام. 


في سياسةٍ هذه مفرداتها، لا يقتصر الإجرام على أفعال مادية، بل يتمثل قبل كل شيء في أفكار السلطة ونظرياتها التي تقود إلى أفعالٍ جرمية، تعتبرها مساوية للسياسة. أليس ما يجري في سورية خير دليل على أن الجريمة نمت وترعرعت في عقول حكامها، قبل أن تفتك بشعبها؟ -


Guardian Video: Trump cites non-existent Sweden terror attack

Chaos in the White House: 'There's never been anything like this'

After the fastest, most furious week yet for the Trump administration, America’s elder statesmen say they have never seen such turmoil or ineptitude

The Observer

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When press officers at the White House glance up from their desks, they are constantly reminded of their boss’s big day. On the wall, in thick dark frames, are photos: Donald Trump taking the oath of office, giving a thumbs up at his inaugural address, bidding farewell to Barack Obama, waving to the crowd during his inaugural parade, dancing with his wife at an inaugural ball.
Walking by last Monday, Trump gestured towards an image of his inauguration crowd – a point that still irks him – and told reporters there would soon be an official statement about the future of his national security adviser, Michael Flynn.
Trouble was, an hour earlier, his adviser Kellyanne Conway had appeared on television declaring that the president had “full confidence” in Flynn. Soon after, Trump’s press secretary, Sean Spicer, read a statement that said “the president is evaluating the situation”. Six hours later, Flynn was gone.
It was the fastest, most furious week yet for an administration that, like a runaway train, has Washington and America’s elder statesmen shaking their heads, declaring that they have never seen such turmoil or ineptitude.
“Our government continues to be in unbelievable turmoil,” Gen Tony Thomas, head of the military’s special operations command, told a conference last week. “I hope they sort it out soon because we’re a nation at war.”



Some of the malaise can be attributed to the growing pains that plague any new administration. Some is said to be down to the factional struggles, imported to the White House from Trump’s businesses. And much is believed to be on the shoulders of the capricious, egocentric, volatile president, the first in US history to have been elected with no political or military experience.
Yet both Trump and his supporters deny the dysfunction, pointing to executive orders, a supreme court nomination and the scrapping of a Pacific trade deal at breakneck speed.
“Don’t believe the main stream (fake news) media,” Trump tweeted Saturday morning. “The White House is running VERY WELL. I inherited a MESS and am in the process of fixing it.”
Sleeping just four or five hours a night, Trump has operated at a manic pace that has made the world’s collective head spin. He had an angry phone call with the prime minister of Australia, had a Twitter spat that convinced the president of Mexico to cancel a meeting, and consulted the prime minister of Japan about a North Korean missile launch in full view of dinner guests at his Florida country club, Mar-a-Lago. He approved, over dinner, a commando raid in Yemen that resulted in the death of a navy Seal and an eight-year-old girl



At home, he was caught on live television making a false claim about his electoral victory, press releases have been littered with spelling mistakes, and the president has fought Twitter battles with everyone from senators to Arnold Schwarzenegger to a department store that dropped his daughter’s products.
Then there were the White House contradictions around the abrupt departure of Flynn, who misled the vice-president over his conversations with the Russian ambassador. Then Trump’s pick for labour secretary, Andrew Puzder, withdrew his nomination after facing questions over his personal background and business record.
Not even in his fourth week, there was the president’s ban on travelers from seven Muslim-majority countries, an order widely denounced and sowing disarray and demonstrations at airports. Trump sacked his acting attorney general for refusing to defend the ban, attacked the courts for pausing it to weigh its lawfulness, and insisted this week that it was “a very smooth rollout”.
“This administration is running like a fine-tuned machine,” he said at a rambling, impromptu press conference.
That characterisation has provoked scorn. “From what I can tell, it’s non-functional,” said Rick Tyler, a political analyst. “It’s not firing on all cylinders, and the timing is off, and the transmission won’t engage.”





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 ‘The leaks are real, the news is fake’: key quotes from Trump’s press conference

The executive order, Tyler noted, “created havoc and turmoil. The communications team are incoherent, inconsistent and contradictory to what the president says.”



Bob Shrum, a Democratic consultant and strategist, called the president’s defenses “preposterous”. “It’s like a car where none of the gears work and you’ve no idea if you’re going at 90mph or 30mph and you’re just careening. It doesn’t remotely compare with anything I can think of. There’s never been anything like this.”
One Republican with ties to the White House blamed growing pains, from Trump’s lean campaign to the staff of the federal bureaucracy.
The Trump administration has also decided to vet potential members for any criticism of the president during the campaign. On Thursday, a political appointee at the Department of Housing and Urban Development was fired after it was noticed that he had written a critical opinion column about Trump in October.
But operations have also been hampered by competing interests and seething mutual suspicion. Media reports describe paranoid staff using a secret chat app that erases messages as soon as they are read. Trump’s inner circle includes Conway; chief of staff Reince Priebus; senior advisers Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, 36, and Stephen Miller, 31; and chief strategist Stephen Bannon, the former Goldman Sachs executive who has likened himself to Thomas Cromwell in the court of Henry VIII.
Senator John McCain, the Republican nominee for president in 2008, told reporters this week that the “whole environment is one of dysfunction in the Trump administration”.
“Who’s making the decisions in the White House? Is it the 31-year-old? Is it Mr Bannon? Is it the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff? I don’t know.”





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 Senator John McCain: Trump administration is in ‘disarray’

The default answer could still be Priebus, who, as chief of staff, would traditionally act as gatekeeper to Trump. But his boss is anything but traditional, and Priebus’s establishment influence is countered by two ideologues, Bannon and Miller. Bannon, previously head of the rightwing Breitbart News, has been described by Democrats as a white nationalist and is seen by many as the true power behind the throne.
Last week, Bannon and Priebus gave a joint media interview to deny rumours of a rift. But Tyler said: “There’s no clear chain of command. They can’t tell who’s in charge.
Were the chief of staff in control, Tyler said, Priebus would have fired Flynn. “If Priebus and Bannon are doing PR to show how well they got on, that shows Priebus is losing. He is the chief of staff, so he shouldn’t need to say he’s meeting with Bannon, who ought to be a subordinate.”
Bannon’s allies, meanwhile, continue to rise in prominence. Sebastian Gorka, a deputy assistant and former editor for Breitbart, has become a vocal surrogate in a series of TV and radio interviews, telling the BBC this week that Trump’s press conference performance was “fabulous”.
Miller, too, earned Trump’s praise and widespread scorn for his zealous defense of the president and for peddling a baseless claim about phantom illegal voting. “He says things that would make movie villains blush,” Tyler said. “You could not script this stuff.”



The problems have been amplified by Senate Democrats doing their utmost to drag out the confirmation process on many of Trump cabinet choices, leaving many executive agencies with few senior staffers.
Trump is not the first president to hit early turbulence, and Bill Galston, a former adviser to Bill Clinton, recalled that “hardly anyone” of the new president’s staff in 1993 had been in the White House before.
“That created all sorts of problems. The simple fact of not knowing how the machinery operates is already a huge problem.”
Before too long, he said, Clinton recruited the Hill veteran Leon Panetta and David Gergen, who had worked with the administrations of Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan.
“You need people there who know how overwhelming it is to be in the White House with ‘incoming’ coming at you from all directions,” Galston said. “You need to have a sense of all pieces of the government. It’s not as harmonious as conducting an orchestra. It’s like juggling knives and swords.”
But Galston, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution thinktank, acknowledged that the Trump administration was not normal. “I’ve consulted many people in town about analogies and comparisons and nobody can come up with any. Our seismographs are broken.
“We appear to have a president who cannot distinguish chaos from order,” he continued. “There are amateurs doing a job that only professionals can do, and even then often not successfully.”
In contrast, Trump’s allies contend that, for a non-politician learning on the job, he is doing well and playing the media like a fiddle.



“It’s like the beginning of any administration,” said Christopher Nixon Cox, who is well acquainted with Bannon and other members of Trump’s inner circle. He compared Trump’s first month to Clinton’s, observing that critics also called those weeks “a disaster”.
“Every administration has its palace intrigues,” Nixon Cox said. “It’s hard to say he has any more or less. Given that we have social media and he’s a social media president, it could be we’re just more aware of what used to be kept behind closed doors. There will be good days and bad days but it’s way too early to say it’s going to go off the rails.”
Cox, a financial adviser and grandson of Richard Nixon, added: “Fundamentally, he’s going to be judged on the economy and whether he keeps peace around the world. I think it’s going to be a big success. We have to give him time.”
Tom Stewart, a member of Trump’s national security advisory council during the campaign, said that the president was “cunningly” manipulating the media, so that “his strong cabinet will have a chance to make some meaningful reforms”.
Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform, said Republicans were making good progress on their conservative agenda. “The press and a lot of observers in Washington DC like to stop and look at a car accident and they miss that the traffic is continuing to drive past at 50mph,” he said. “Things are moving forward, largely on track.”
Nevertheless, as Trump enters his second month, there will be many praying for a steadier hand and fewer tweets ending with exclamation marks.
“This can’t just stand,” said Rich Galen, former press secretary to the 44th vice-president, Dan Quayle. “It was kind of fun in the beginning watching the kids run around and bump into each other. Now they’ve got the keys to the car and it’s dangerous. Someone has to go in and get their arms around this.”

Saudi Arabia, Israel present a united front against Iran



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Saudi Arabia and Israel both called on Sunday for a new push against Iran, signalling a growing alignment in their interests, while US lawmakers promised to seek new sanctions on the Shia Muslim power.
While Saudi Arabia remains historically at odds with Israel, their ministers demanded at the Munich Security Conference that Tehran be punished for propping up the Syrian government, developing ballistic missiles and funding separatists in Yemen.
International sanctions on Iran were lifted a year ago under a nuclear deal with world powers, but Republican senators said at the conference they would press for new US measures over the missiles issue and Tehran’s actions to “destabilise” the Middle East.
Saudi Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir called Tehran the main sponsor of global terrorism and a destabilising force in the Middle East.
He sidestepped a question about Israel’s call for concerted action with Sunni Arab states amid growing speculation that the two countries could normalise relations and join forces to oppose Tehran, much as Turkey has done.
Israeli Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman said Iran’s ultimate objective was to undermine Riyadh, and called for a dialogue with Sunni Arab countries to defeat “radical” elements in the region.
“The real division is not Jews, Muslims … but moderate people versus radical people,” Lieberman told delegates.

Emad Hajjaj's Cartoon: ترامب وعباس

ترامب وعباس

John McCain on Trump: suppressing free press is 'how dictators get started'

Despite ‘hating the press’, Republican senator says media is necessary after president calls media ‘the enemy of the American people’

The Guardian

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Senator John McCain has warned that suppression of a free press is “how dictators get started”, criticizing Donald Trump’s continued declaration that newspapers and news networks are “the enemy of the American people”.
“I hate the press,” McCain told NBC’s Meet the Press in an interview, taped at a security conference with European leaders in Munich.. “But the fact is we need you. We need a free press. We must have it.”
“I’m very serious now, if you want to preserve democracy as we know it, you have to have a free and many times adversarial press,” he continued. “Without it, I am afraid that we would lose so much of our individual liberties over time. That’s how dictators get started.”
The Republican party’s presidential nominee in 2008, McCain has repeatedly criticized Trump’s ideas as a candidate and now as president. The interview, broadcast Sunday, was taped not long after the president tweeted on Friday night that he considered the media “the enemy of the American people”.
On Saturday, Trump went further at a campaign-style rally in Melbourne, Florida. “When the media lies to people, I will never, ever let them get away with it,” he told fans.
A day later, Trump’s chief of staff, Reince Priebus, told CBS’s Face the Nation that “you should take it seriously” when Trump threatens the media. Priebus called recent news stories about the Trump campaign’s alleged links to Russia “inaccurate, overstated” and “total garbage”, but he did not specify what he disputed in the articles.
Pressed on the question, Priebus said his issue was with leaks from government agencies. “I think that the media should stop with this unnamed source stuff, put names on a piece of paper and print it,” he said. “If people aren’t willing to put their name next to a quote, then the quote shouldn’t be listed.”
Priebus later changed his approach, telling NBC that Trump does not dispute the role journalists play in the US. “The president believes in the first amendment, the president believes in the free press.”
Also on Saturday, the progressive senator Bernie Sanders warned: “According to Trump, if you want the truth, ignore everything except what he is saying. That’s what totalitarianism is all about.”
In the interview, McCain said he was not alluding to any one remark, but rather a pattern of authoritarian leaders who quickly attempted “a consolidation of power”.
When you look at history, the first thing that dictators do is shut down the press,” he said. “And I’m not saying that President Trump is trying to be a dictator. I’m just saying we need to learn the lessons of history.”
McCain withdrew his endorsement from Trump late in the 2016 campaign, after a 2005 video emerged in which the businessman bragged about groping women and several women accused him of aggressive advances without consent. The senator first clashed with Trump in 2015, when the former reality TV show star dismissed McCain’s service in Vietnam, saying he was not a war hero. “I like people who weren’t captured,” Trump said.
The senator has since criticized Trump’s restrictions on travel from seven Muslim-majority nations and urged a bipartisan select committee to investigate the alleged links between Trump’s campaign and powerful officials in Russia. in the interview, McCain said he worried “about the president’s understanding of some of these issues and his contradictory articulations”.
Asked whether the Republican leadership in Congress would allow a fair and thorough investigation of a president in their party, McCain was equivocal. “I hope so. And I have to believe so,” he said. “More hope than belief.”
McCain has voted to confirm all of Trump’s cabinet nominations except one, the Office of Management and Budget director, Mick Mulvaney, because of a disagreement over cuts to the Pentagon’s budget. In the interview, he similarly suggested he was willing to give the president leeway within Congress’ rights to reject nominees and control the White House’s purse.
“I think we should give the president the benefit of the doubt,” he said. “But at the same time, we have our responsibilities of advise and consent.”