عــ48ـرب VIDEO OF MORSI BEFORE BECOMING PRESIDENT Would The Real Morsi Please Stand Up?
"عرضت صحيفة "يديعوت أحرونوت" في موقعها على الشبكة، اليوم السبت،تسجيل فيديو
للرئيس المصري الدكتور محمد مرسي، قالت انه تم تداوله على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي،
يصف فيه الصهاينة بأنهم أحفاد القردة والخنازير ويدعو فيه الى المقاومة لتحرير كل
فلسطين. لشريط يحوي لقطات مباشرة للرئيس مرسي في مقابلة تلفزيونية في عام 2010 مع محطة
تلفزيون لبنانية، و في مقابلة مع فضائية القدس،عندما كان عضوا بارزا في حزب الإخوان
المسلمين التي كانت محظورة خلال فترة حكم الرئيس حسني مبارك. الشريط يظهر ايضا تصريحات لمرسي يصف فيها المفاوضات بالعبثية ويرفض الاعتراف
بالخط الاخضر ويدعو الى تحرير كامل الأرض الفلسطينية ويصف الصهاينة بأنهم مصاصو
دماء، على حد قوله. لصحيفة الاسرائيلية أعترفت بأن المركز الاسرائيلي لدراسة اعلام الشرق الأوسط
" مميري" ساهم في توزيع الشريط الا أن وسائل اعلام مصرية لاءمته للاحتياجات
الداخلية وأعادت توزيعه في محاولة لاظهار التناقض بين خطاب مرسي الرئيس ومرسي
المعارض. "
"(Ahlul Bayt News Agency) - Sadr, who heads a powerful bloc
in the Iraqi parliament, also attended the Friday Prayers at a Sunni mosque in
Baghdad, where Sunni and Shia Muslims prayed together in a gesture of unity.
"We support the demands of the people, but I urge them to
safeguard Iraq’s unity," he said at Abdul Qadir Gilani Mosque.
Sadr then visited Baghdad's Our Lady of Salvation Church,
telling reporters that Iraqi Muslims have learned big lessons of peace and
patience from their Christian brothers......"
"There is a severe shortage of medicine and doctors in the Syrian city of Hama. The hospitals have either been bombed by President Bashar al-Assad's army or transformed into bases for rebel fighters.
People injured in fighting are brought to makeshift treatment rooms, set up in people's homes and basements.
"I have just spent the last few days of 2012 in the city of Haifa. Accidentally, I met a
few of my acquaintances who in the past deemed me at best as deluded and at
worst as a traitor. They seemed more embarrassed today — almost confessing that
mine and my friends’ worst predictions about Israel’s future seemed to be
materializing painfully in front of their very eyes.
In fact, our predictions came very late in the day. Already in 1950, with
unsettling accuracy, Sir Thomas Rapp, the head of the British Middle East Office
in Cairo, foresaw the
future. He was the last person sent by London to decide whether or not Britain
should establish diplomatic relations with Israel. He approved but warned his
superiors in London:
“The younger generation is being brought up in an environment of militarism
and thus a permanent threat to the Middle East tranquillity is thereby being
created and Israel would thus tend to move away from the democratic way of life
towards totalitarianisms of the right or the left” (Public Record Office,
Foreign Office Files 371/82179, E1015/119, a letter to Ernest Bevin the Foreign
Secretary, 15 December 1950). It is the totalitarianism of the right which is going to be the hallmark of
the Jewish state in 2013. And some of the liberal Zionists who were once willing
to devour me and like-minded Jews in Israel now realize we, like Sir Thomas
before us, may have been right. And maybe because of their more benign attitude
I would like to reciprocate by attempting, for a very short while, a different
approach in 2013.
Compassion towards Israelis?
Those of us who write frequently for the Electronic Intifada have shown in
the past — and will undoubtedly continue to do so in the future — our utmost
solidarity with the Palestinian victims of Israel’s existence and policies. But
can we, and should we, show compassion to the Israelis themselves? Obviously,
one cannot ask the Palestinians to do this while the dispossession continues in
full force. But maybe we who belong, ethnically at least, to the victimizers can
ponder for a moment in the beginning of the New Year about our compatriots.
Let me begin with a more personal touch. During this visit I had the
opportunity to watch my former colleague, the historian Benny Morris on
television and to read some of his interviews. His anti-Arab and anti-Islamic
racism is now of the rawest kind possible: a naked and rude discourse of hate,
venomously spat out in the most disgusting way possible. So why show any
empathy? Because his first book on the refugees was an eye-opener for me and
others. It was not a great history book, but it was an eloquent survey of the
truth to be found in the state archives about the 1948 Israeli crimes.
Yet his transmutation into an arch-racist is not surprising — it follows the
same trajectory of many of the so-called liberal Zionists
in Israel. He and his friends had an epiphany in the 1990s: discovering the
immoral foundations of the state. This could have opened the way to a genuine
reconciliation but it was also a frightening moment that demanded brave personal
decisions. Most of them opted instead to deny the truth and the guilt, covering
it up with a born-again Zionism of a far more extreme and obnoxious kind. This
particular group of Zionists are not likely to go through another epiphany, but
maybe their children will. One can only hope.
Israel’s Arab Jews
Compassion of a kind can be shown also toward the Arab Jews of Israel. I
noticed during this visit how many of them are wearing — almost crouching under
the yoke of — huge Star of David medallions of a size I have never seen before.
They are frightened that the police or members of the public might mistake them
for “Arabs,” hence these huge pendants that cry out: I am a Jew, not an Arab,
even if I look like one! (As if any of us living between the River Jordan and
the sea look that different from one another.)
This is sad and pathetic but maybe the academic Ella Habiba Shohat was right
when she asked us to recognize Arab Jews as victims of Zionism as much as the
Palestinians were. It is hard however, with the risk of generalization of
course, to buy into their victimization for too long as they have by now
endorsed wholeheartedly the formula that the more racist their anti-Arabism
would be, the more Israeli they would become.
Back in the 1970s, Arab Jews rebelled against their discrimination. The
right-wing parties in Israel capitalized on this frustration to build an
electoral base that brought the Likud party to power and
associated Arab Jewish politics of identity with anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian
positions. But if there is any future for the Jews in Palestine, it will have to
go through the organic and intrinsic connection of these Jews to the region, its
past, its civilization and future. There are still enough among them who may
show the way for the European settlers to learn to reconcile with whatever
season the Arab world would happen to be in.
My third message of compassion is for the ultra-Orthodox Jews. The idea of a
state in Judaism is a travesty – they know it best. There is no foundation in
Judaism for a state based on the religion. So they opted either for clear
anti-Zionism, for which they are persecuted, or embarrassingly spearheading
Zionism by colonizing the
West Bank and leading the racist choirs in the state. For a moment one
should empathize with their predicament — they are a sizable part of the Jewish
population and could be part of a new and better Palestine and the Middle
East.
Cultural ghettoes
My fourth flickering moment of compassion is directed towards the Russian
Jews (many of whom I see praying piously in the Orthodox churches all over Haifa
and the north). They are a first generation of settlers in a colonialist project
that still goes on. They are aliens in this country — as were the early Zionists
— and they are lost. So they either create cultural ghettoes, or like the Arab
Jews they try to integrate by offering to be the signifiers of the most fascist
and racist pole of the Israeli political scene. Either way, this must be very
unpleasant and unfulfilling.
My final sense of empathy is directed to the Jewish students in the West who
still insist on acting as Israel’s ambassadors on university campuses. Here too,
the pathetic human condition triggers the compassion. They could have played a
vanguard and leading role — as their predecessors did when they spearheaded the
struggles for equality in the United States and the movements against apartheid
in South Africa and imperialism in Vietnam — in one of humanity’s greatest
campaigns for peace and justice: the solidarity movement with the Palestinians.
But they find themselves confused and disoriented, representing the oppressor,
the colonizer and the occupier. The end result is parroting slogans prepared by
the Israeli diplomacy that make little sense I suspect even to those who chant
it unconvincingly along with hysterical allegations of anti-Semitism and
terrorism.
I thought of adding the aging Zionist veterans of 1948 who opened their
secrets to filmmaker Eyal Sivan and myself (their testimonies were exhibited
on a special display we put on in the heart of Tel Aviv at the end of
2012) and told us bravely about the crimes they committed against the
Palestinians during the Nakba. But that would have
been too much.
Maybe when peace is nearer I could follow the in the footsteps of Desmond
Tutu and show compassion of the kind displayed in the South African Truth and
Reconciliation Committee. But until this time comes I will try to keep an open
door for the others in the settler colonialist society I belong to and with
which the Palestinians hopefully will one day build a democratic and free
Palestine."
"فجّر السيد عصام العريان نائب رئيس حزب الحرية والعدالة، الذراع السياسية لحركة
الإخوان المسلمين قنبلة من الوزن الثقيل عندما دعا الى عودة اليهود المصريين ودفع
تعويضات لهم، واعترف بطردهم من مصر بالإكراه. لا يمكن ان نصدق ان اطلاق تصريحات
كهذه على درجة كبيرة من الخطورة، جاء من قبيل الصدفة، او كزلة لسان، لأن مثل هذا
الموضوع المتفجر ليس مطروحا في الوقت الحالي، سواء في مصر او اسرائيل، او الولايات
المتحدة الامريكية. والأهم من كل هذا وذاك، ان صحن الرئيس محمد مرسي حافل
بالأزمات والمشاكل، ولا نعتقد انه، وهو الذي يحارب على اكثر من جبهة لانقاذ سفينة
حكمه من الغرق، في الأمتار الاولى من بداية رحلتها، بحاجة الى فتح جبهة جديدة،ونقصد
الجبهة الاسرائيلية، عمل طوال الاشهر الماضية على تسكينها. الاسرائيليون
سيلتقطون كعادتهم مثل هذه التصريحات وسيستخدمونها حتما كوثيقة لابتزاز مصر،
باعتبارها حقيقة مسلما بها، وربما ابتزاز دول عربية اخرى هاجر منها يهود الى فلسطين
المحتلة، فكل ما نقدمه من تنازلات يصبح ورقة ابتزاز ضدنا، وكأرضية لطلب المزيد،
والتجربة الفلسطينية مليئة بمثل هذه النماذج. ' ' ' اليهود لم يُطردوا من
مصر، كما انهم لم يُطردوا من العراق، وانما اجبروا على الهجرة بضغوط اسرائيلية،
وفضيحة لافون معروفة، وتفجير كنس يهودية مصرية من قبل خلايا للموساد لإرهاب هؤلاء
ودفعهم الى الهجرة معروفة، والاسلوب نفسه استخدم في العراق، واذا كان هناك يهود
غادروا بحثا عن مكان آمن، فإن ملايين اللبنانيين والعراقيين والسوريين والاريتريين
هاجروا للسبب نفسه. طرح تعويضات لليهود العرب بسبب الاستيلاء على ممتلكاتهم يجب
ان يتم بعد التوصل الى حل عادل للقضية الفلسطينية وعودة ستة ملايين لاجئ فلسطيني،
وتعويضهم عن استغلال اليهود الاسرائيليين لأرضهم وعقاراتهم وبحرهم ومياههم وهوائهم
على مدى 65 عاما، وبعد ان يتم السلام كليا في المنطقة. واذا كان لا بدّ من فتح
ملفات التعويض، فإن مصر هي التي يجب ان تطالب اسرائيل بمئات المليارات من الدولارات
كتعويض عن احتلال اسرائيل لما يقرب من 12 عاما لصحراء سيناء، واستغلال ثرواتها
الطبيعية من الماء والنفط والغاز والسياحة، وقتل واعتقال وتعذيب الآلاف من الجنود
المصريين، بعضهم كانوا اسرى، وكذلك تدمير مدن القناة كليا اثناء حرب الاستنزاف بعد
عام 1967. نقطة اخرى لا يمكن تجاهلها في هذه العجالة، وهي الترحيب بعودة هؤلاء
اليهود المصريين دون شروط، ودون اي اعتبار للاعتبارات الأمنية. فجميع هؤلاء، وبحكم
القوانين الاسرائيلية عملوا كمجندين في الجيش الاسرائيلي، او في اجهزة الأمن
الاسرائيلية مثل 'الموساد' و'الشين بيت'، ولا نبالغ اذا قلنا ان بعض هؤلاء قتلوا
جنودا او مدنيين مصريينن او ارتكبوا مجازر مثل مجزرة بحر البقر، فكيف سيتم التعامل
مع هؤلاء في هذه الحالة؟ فإذا كان هؤلاء سيواجهون بالترحيب بهم بالأحضان وباقات
الزهور فور وصولهم الى ارض مصر عائدين الى وطنهم، ودون اي محاسبة، فإن هذا الكرم لا
يمكن ان يجد قبولا من ابناء مصر التي لا يمكن ان تنسى دماء شهدائها الأبرار. كنا
نتمنى لو ان السيد العريان، الذي اعرفه شخصيا، واصبت بصدمة من تصريحاته هذه التي لم
يحاول مطلقا نفيها او حتى التخفيف منها، ابتعد عن هذا الملف كليا في الوقت الراهن،
وان يحصر اجتهاداته في ملفات اخرى، ننتظر رأي الحكومة الحالية فيها مثل الموقف من
معاهدة كامب ديفيد ،على سبيل المثال لا الحصر، ومصير التصريحات السابقة التي جرى
اطلاقها حول تعديلها او حتى الغائها. فإذا كان الكثيرون قد قدروا الظروف
الاقتصادية الصعبة التي تعيشها الحكومة المصرية الحالية، وصمتوا على عدم تناولها
لاتفاقات كامب ديفيد، وتفهموا مسألة تأجيلها ريثما يقوى عود الثورة وتستقر الاوضاع
الامنية والسياسية ويتم تجاوز الأزمة الاقتصادية، فإن من حق هؤلاء الشعور بالغضب
والاحباط وهم يرون هذا التطوع برغبة غير مفهومة لتقديم تعويضات مالية لليهود
المصريين يقدرها البعض بحوالى 150 مليار دولار.' ' ' منظمة مطاردة النازيين
ارغمت الحكومة السويسرية على تقديم تعويضات مالية عن ذهب اليهود، ضحايا المحرقة،
بما يعادل اسعارها الحالية مع الفوائد كاملة، وطاردتها في المحاكم الاوروبية حتى
تحقق لها ما تريد، ومن المؤكد ان اسرائيل ومنظماتها، ستتمسك بالقاعدة نفسها في
التعاطي مع اصول واموال يهود العراق وليبيا ومصر واليمن، ولن نفاجأ اذا ما طالبوا
الحكومة السعودية بدفع تريليونات الدولارات كتعويض لأملاك يهود خيبر، ورهن عوائدها
النفطية، او الجزء الأكبر منها لتسديدها. السيد العريان يسير في حقل الغام شديدة
الانفجار، ويضع حركته في مأزق كبير، واللافت ان الرئاسة تنصلت من هذه التصريحات
لكنها لم تتخذ اي اجراءات ضده كمسؤول ومستشار للرئيس كما لم يتم اعلان موقف رسمي
واضح تجاه قضية عودة اليهود. حركة الاخوان المسلمين في مصر يجب ان تخاطب اولا
ثلث الشعب المصري الذي صوّت ضد الدستور الجديد اثناء الاستفتاء الاخير، ونسبة كبيرة
منهم من الاقباط، وهذا في نظرنا اكثر الحاحا واهمية من محاولة مخاطبة
اليهود.مطلوب من الحركة، او بالاحرى حكومتها، ان تقدم توضيحا صريحا واضحا حول
موقفها من كامب ديفيد، ومن تعويض اليهود حتى تغلق هذا الملف الذي يفتح عليها ابوابا
كثيرة ليس هذا هو أوان فتحها."
"(Reuters)
- The most senior member of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's entourage
still at large has encouraged Sunni Muslim anti-government protesters to stand
their ground until Shi'ite Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is toppled......
"The people of Iraq and all its nationalist and Islamic forces support you
until the realization of your just demands for the fall of the Safavid-Persian
alliance," said Douri, addressing the protesters in footage broadcast on
Alarabiya television.....
The authenticity of the video could not be verified. Douri said he was
speaking from the Iraqi province of Babil......"
Despite widespread pledges of support from western and Arab states, the main
Syrian opposition coalition says it has still not seen any significant increase
in funding or arms supplies.
Members of the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition
Forces, formed in November, say that there is still no sign of western capitals
relaxing their ban on delivering weapons to the rebels and that even Gulf Arab
governments, which helped arm opposition groups last year, are supplying less
with every passing week.
"The supplies are drying up. It is still Syrian expats – individuals - who
are providing the funding by and large," said a Syrian businessman who has
helped to fund the opposition since the uprising began 22 months ago.
As a result, he said, the fragmented rebel forces have changed strategy,
giving up hopes of a sweep through the country, and focusing instead on a
gradual war of attrition: besieging isolated government military bases to stop
the regime using planes and helicopters against them and ultimately to capture
weapons, to compensate for the meagre supplies from abroad......
He added: "I see a very dark period ahead of us, with a total breakdown like
Iraq in 2006, with sectarianism on a scale we have not yet seen in Syria."
Mustafa Alani, the director of the national security and terrorism studies
department at the Gulf Research Centre said: "The people fighting on the streets
are not controlled by people outside. They feel they can topple the regime
without any help. They feel they are able to self-finance and self-arm and they
can survive.
"Their focus has shifted. Their strategy is not to try to hold villages and
towns so much, but to concentrate on air bases, to stop the aircraft flying and
to build up pressure in Damascus. That is where the war will be
decided.""
عرب48 /وكالات "انتقد عميد الصحافيين العرب الاستاذ محمد حسنين هيكل التصريحات التي ادلى بها
قياديون في جماعة 'الاخوان' مؤخرا، ودعوا فيها اليهود المصريين الى العودة الى مصر،
واتهموا فيها الرئيس الراحل جمال عبد الناصر بطردهم من مصر في الخمسينيات. ووصف هيكل التصريحات بانها 'صيحة من لا يعرف في موضوع لا يعرفه، ويطلقها
اناس ضائعون في ساحة القتال'. وقال هيكل في حديث الى قناة 'سي بي سي' المصرية الخاصة 'لا يوجد على الاطلاق
ما يسمى بتعويضات اليهود'. وشرح ذلك بالقول: معظم أغنياء اليهود في مصر كانوا يحملون جنسيات أخرى،
(قطاوي فرنسي، وهراري ومزراحي بريطانيون، ولم يمتلكوا جوازات سفر مصرية، وبعض
اليهود رحلوا عن مصر بعد حرب فلسطين وآخرين بعد حريق القاهرة اي قبل اندلاع ثورة
يوليو 1952''. واكد ان الدولة المصرية دفعت تعويضات لكل الشركات التي اممت عام
1960 بما في الشركات اليهودية التي كانت تحمل جنسيات غربية ضمن التعويضات التي دفعت
الى الشركات الاوروبية. واشار الى ان تعداد اليهود المصــــريين في العام 1947 بلغ ستين الفا، وان
الجالية اليهودية في مصر لم تعان اي اضطهاد، وان التحقيــــقات في قضــــية لافون
(استخدام اليهود في شن عمليات تخريب ضد اهداف غربية في مصر عام 1954) تظهر ان
الجالية اليهودية كانت من الجاليات المستقرة، ما دفع البعض في اسرائيل الى الاعتراض
على تجنيد افراد منها في العمليات. ونفى ان يكون عبد الناصر طرد اليهود من مصر، واكد ان من بقي منهم في مصر بعد
الثورة 'مشوا من انفسهم بعد حرب السويس'. واضاف هيكل، 'لم يعجبني كلام مرسي عن
فلسطين، حيث لم يدنِ المستوطنات أو الحديث عن القدس في حديثه، ولا أطالب مرسي
بالحرب، ولكن القدس قضية جوهرية لدى التيار الإسلامي'. وأضاف هيكل ، 'لا بد أن نفرق بين كاتبي الخطابات والمحترفين والكتبة، وقد كتبت
خطب عبد الناصر لأني كنت طرفاً محاوراً له باستمرار'. وقال هيكل، 'إن الخطأ
الأساسي للرئيس محمد مرسي، في الحكم هو عدم مصارحته بالحقيقة، وأنه لا يملك مفاتيح
الحل لأزمات البلاد'، مشيراً إلى أن مرسي هو الذى طلب السلطة بالقوة. وان مصر أصبحت
ريفية السياسة، والعالم العربي أصبح منعزلا في سياسته الخارجية، وان النظم العربية
الموجودة حاليا متخلفة منذ الحرب الباردة ولا تتحمل عناء الدفاع عن نفسها، وأنه
أصبح لدينا في العالم العربي أشخاص يتحدثون في قضايا لايعرفون عنها شيئا. وأضاف هيكل أن جزءا من الأزمة الاقتصادية في مصر سببها خطاب الرئيس مرسي،
وأن الرئيس مرسي يرى الحقيقة من قبل، ولكنه كسياسي يتخذ القرار الخطأ في الوقت
الخطأ. وفي سياق متصل، أوضح 'أن من يصنع خطاب الرئيس عليه أن يعبر عن الواقع،
ويخاطب الداخل أولا ولو على حساب الخارج، وعليه أن يدرك حاجة مصر إلى خطاب جديد'،
مشيرًا إلى 'أن النظام لديه إعلامه، إلا أنه لا ينافس'. وعن الإعلام الخاص، قال هيكل إن الإعلام يزعج السلطة وتأثيره مقلق، مشيرا
إلى أنه يخبر الحقيقة للاخرين، ويفتح الملفات ويبحث عن الحقائق، موضحا أن الإعلام
لا يحاسب ولا يراقب، وأنه إذا كان الإعلام حرا حماه جمهوره وأخلاق المجتمع، فيما
انتقد القنوات الدينية واصفا إياها بأنها قنوات ادعاء ديني لا علاقة لها
بالأخلاق."
A VERY GOOD INTERVIEW "تناولت الحلقة موقف المعارضة من مبادرة الأخضر الإبراهيمي، ورفضها لوجود الأسد في أي مبادرة للحل، وإستعدادها للحوار مع روسيا إذا تبنت موقفاً واضحاً من الثورة السورية، وكذلك موقف إيران من الثورة، ووضع الجيش الحر بالنسبة لائتلاف المعارضة، وكذلك الجوانب الإنسانية للسوريين وحجم الخسائر التي طالت البنية التحتية السورية إلى الآن. تقديم: أحمد منصور تاريخ البث: 2/1/2013 الضيف: معاذ الخطيب"
"Away from the fighting, millions of Syrians are struggling to find the most basic foodstuffs, including bread. More than 30 bakeries have been bombed by government forces, leaving many people too scared to shop for the staple product. Some of the bakeries are now operating in the dark of night in an attempt to provide much-needed supplies. Al Jazeera's Jamal Elshayyal reports on the efforts of one bakery in Idlib that is trying to help feed the local community."
".......But plenty of governments deserve, if not being
directed to the bus, at least being shown the door when it comes to
unconditional U.S. support. So-called realists will offer the usual
rationalizations for ignoring that prescription. Their view of the national
interest, however, is outdated in a world where modern communications make it
easy for people to coalesce around grievances and perilous for governments to
ignore them. The Arab Spring showed nothing if not the folly of relying on
strongmen to bring stability......
Saudi
Arabia: Yes, it has lots of oil. But the Saudis, who need cash to fuel
their welfare state, are going to sell it regardless of how Obama treats them.
Meanwhile, the Saudi monarchy holds thousands in arbitrary detention, imposes
archaic restrictions on women, suppresses most dissent, mistreats its Shiite
minority, and insists that the neighboring Bahraini monarchy crush its
pro-democracy movement. Obama has been silent.
Bahrain: Saudi
Arabia's next-door neighbor is the most glaring exception to Obama's generally
supportive posture toward Arab Spring demonstrators. The ruling Al Khalifa
family uses lethal force, torture, and arbitrary detention to crush protests.
Yet out of deference to Saudi sensibilities and fear of losing the U.S. Navy's
5th Fleet base, the Obama administration has allowed its security relationship
with Bahrain to trump its concern for the rights of Bahrainis -- a selectivity
that undermines its broader support for Arab freedom......"
١. رفض النظام ان يقود الاصلاح بنفسه حين رجوناه ورجاه المتظاهرون
ان يفعل، وأصر على قمع الانتفاضة بالقوة. ٢. أصبح الامر متأخرا حين ادعى أنه
يقبل الاصلاح والناس لم تصدقه، ولكنه أصر أن يقود الإصلاح وحده، وعلى مزاجه، ولم
يقبل مشاركة المعارضة في حكومة وحدة وطنية. وواصل النظام قمع الانتفاضة التي توسعت
وغدت ثورة. ٣.توسل النظام الحوار وطالب المعارضة غير المسلحة أن تشارك معه، ولكن
ما من أحد كان مستعدا للقبول بالجلوس مع من سفك دماء المتظاهرين السلميين. وشن
النظام حربا شاملة ضد شعبه الذي بات يخوض ثورة مسلحة. يتعامل النظام مع شعبه مثلما
تتعامل الدول مع أعداء في حرب بل أشنع من ذلك. ٤. يطالب النظام بمفاوضات دون
شروط، ولكن لا أحد يقبل بأقل من ذهابه كشرط للتفاوض. يخوض النظام حرب شاملة، حرب
الأرض المحروقة ويقصف مدنه وقراه ويشرد شعبه، يقصف النظام طوابير المواطنين على
المخابز. نظام الدمار يريد ان يحكم ولو من دون شعب ودولة وعلى خرائب المدن
والقرى.٥. صبغ كل شيء بلون الدم. الشعب لم يعد يحصي الضحايا، ولم يعد يرى سوى
الضوء في آخر النفق.
Conclusion From South America to South Africa and from the Mobutu to the Trujillo dictatorships, Israel, often acting in concert with the United States, has been a key player in undermining popular struggles by supplying repressive regimes with the tools for massive state violence. The facts and figures given here do not support the many fanciful theories that circulate about the role of Israeli – or Jewish – “control of the world.” On the contrary, anti-semitic conspiracy theories that misinterpret these or similar facts serve to bolster Israeli propaganda, helping Israel portray itself as victim, even justifying its repression industry as a necessity against such anti-semitism.
Furthermore, it allows Israel's allies and clients to camouflage their own interests in repressing peoples' movements for freedom. Such conspiracies are thus a disservice to the movements for liberation
everywhere, including the Palestinian struggle.
A major war profiteer and a settler-colonial state, Israel can use its profits to further repress and displace Palestinians, developing still more deadly weapons in the process. Given how unfamiliar most people are with the extent of the Israeli arms industry and the industrial scale of its function in suppressing movements, we have collected here some of the most atrocious aspects of Israel’s repression worldwide.
Israel’s racism is rooted in centuries of European colonialism. It is
integral to global imperialism from which it derives investment,
support, and cover. Israel has worked hand-in-glove with repressive
regimes in every corner of the earth in ways that facilitate the
suppression, murder, assassination, rape, torture, disappearance,
kidnapping, and imprisonment of those struggling for freedom and
justice. Its arms and repression industries continue today through
Israeli state institutions and via private corporations and a
worldwide network of Zionist organizations. Repressive regimes find
a willing and able ally in Israel.
Though well documented, the information we offer is not widely
available in the media or at universities. The states and
corporations that engage in war, the arms trade, occupation,
incarceration, surveillance, and repression benefit from this
information not being publicized. Tracking the trail of Israel’s
function in global repression is an opportunity to expose the players
in this vast industry. There is a need to continue to expose Israel’s role in worldwide repression and to support the organizing to end it.
"Unverified footage purports to show the aftermath of an government air strike on
a Damascus petrol station. A badly wounded man is seen emerging from the rubble
with the help of two others. At least 30 civilians were killed in the attack in
the rebel-controlled suburb of Muleiha, opposition campaigners say."
"(Reuters)
- At least 60,000 people have died in Syria's conflict, U.N. Human Rights
Commissioner Navi Pillay said on Wednesday, citing what she said was an
exhaustive U.N.-commissioned study.
Over five months of analysis, researchers cross-referenced seven sources of
data, including the Syrian government, to compile a list of 59,648 individuals
reported killed between March 15, 2011, and November 30, 2012.
"Given there has been no let-up in the conflict since the end of November, we
can assume that more than 60,000 people have been killed by the beginning of
2013," Pillay said. "The number of casualties is much higher than we expected,
and is truly shocking."
The estimate was the United Nation's first since May, when U.N. Secretary
General Ban Ki-moon put the toll at more than 10,000.
The new study, by Benetech, a non-profit technology company, showed deaths
rising from around 1,000 per month in the summer of 2011 to an average of more
than 5,000 per month since July 2012. More than one-in-five deaths occurred in
Homs, with rural areas surrounding the capital Damascus close behind with more
than 10,000......."
The Syrian Network for Human Rights said it documented every death by name,
date, and in many cases with video and photographic evidence. photograph or
video.
It said the figure is likely to be an underestimate: "It must be noted that
there are many cases that we were unable to reach and document particularly in
the case of massacres and besieged areas where the Syrian government frequently
blocks communication. This indicates that the actual death toll is likely to be
higher as there are dozens of cases in which residents buried the bodies in mass
graves to prevent the spread of diseases."
It's tally includes the 3,327 children.
The Centre for
Documentation of Violations in Syria, another tally maintained by activists,
estimates that 39,607 people
have been killed since the uprising began. Its total does not include
government forces killed in the conflict.
I don't need to tell you who is killing who , but know this: if After this video and the thousands of others still defend Assad or say the alternative is worse I tell you to GTFO
"......Through all his political life, Abbas has been a concessionist, a push-over
and an empty suit with no back-bone. He even agreed to suppress the UN-backed
report by international Judge Richard Goldstone about Israeli war crimes against
the residents of Gaza Strip in 2008. Abbas revealed the low quality of his
leadership and even his manhood in an interview given to an Israeli television
station when he relinquished his “right of return” to his birth Palestinian
town. He stated: “Palestine for me is [1967] borders, with East Jerusalem as its
capital. This is now and forever …. This is Palestine for me. I am a refugee but
I am living in Ramallah, I believe that West Bank and Gaza is Palestine and the
other parts Israel.” Amazing! Abbas has thus compromised the very core of the
Palestinian struggle. His concession cannot come from an authentic leader of the
‘Nakba’ victims who had been cleansed from their homes and businesses in 490
Palestinian towns and villages by Israeli Jews. Ironically, the Jews who took
over these towns and villages claim Palestine as their ‘home land’ because
‘their ancestors’ were born there thousands of years ago.
Abbas, the architect of Oslo Agreements and the endless negotiations with the
Israelis that squandered the rights and hopes of the Palestinians, is too weak
to make the transition from the under-occupation-PA to a functioning Palestinian
state, even a non-member!"
"(Reuters)
- An Egyptian satirist who made fun of President Mohamed Mursi on television has
been accused of undermining his standing and will be investigated by
prosecutors, a judicial source said on Tuesday. Bassem Youssef's case will increase worries about freedom of speech in the
post-Hosni Mubarak era, especially when the country's new constitution includes
provisions criticized by rights activists for, among other things, forbidding
insults.
Youssef rose to fame following the uprising that swept Mubarak from power in
February 2011 with a satirical online program that was compared with Jon
Stewart's Daily Show.
He has since had his own show on Egyptian television and mocked Mursi's
repeated use of the word "love" in his speeches by starting one of his programs
with a love song, holding a red pillow with the president's face printed on
it......."
".......As the second anniversary of the revolution nears, those who
sacrificed to make it happen are no closer to ruling than they were when it
started. Nevertheless, everyone speaks for the revolution, shouts its now
commodifed slogans, and contorts its principles. The political status quo — both
the Muslim Brotherhood and the state apparatus — are sending a clear message to
Egyptians: Blood spilled in the streets can only be redeemed in the ballot box.
The blood that made their ascendency possible has now been reduced to symbolic
ink stains on the voters’ fingers.
“That which is gained by the ballot box can only be lost in the
ballot box.” But what of that which was lost in the streets, in the minds, in
the hearts, in the souls? With every passing day, we discover the growing gulf
between the revolution’s aspirations and the plans of those who claim to speak
for it. The masses, increasingly disenchanted by an empty political process, are
participating in declining numbers in one vote after the other. Voters and
non-voters alike realize the country’s future is a battle between two minorities
— one idealistic and revolutionary and the other political and opportunist.One donates blood and the other reaps it.
With the Egyptian calendar now filled with bloodied commemorations,
it would be wise for all to heed the lesson of the past two years: Ballots do
not blot blood."
The Egyptian Revolution signified a triumph of the urban; even while the
counter-revolution looks to the undefeatable rural for provisions
ANOTHER EXCELLENT ANALYSIS
By Hani Shukrallah , Monday 31 Dec 2012
".......And, however nuanced our perspective on Egypt’s modern revolutionary history,
there is no going away from the fact that we have not known the kind of peasant
revolutions that ultimately triumphed by taking the cities, so familiar in the
revolutionary experiences of much of Latin America and Southeast Asia during the
19th and 20th centuries.
And it’s been in this primacy of the urban that both the power and the
weakness of the Egyptian Revolution has lain, and continues to lie.
It explains, at least in part, the great paradox of a revolution that is able
to put hundreds of thousands onto the streets, over and over again for close on
two years after its launch, but fails consistently to translate such preeminence
into ballots........
And above all, it has been, and continues to be, a revolution that sanctifies
the right of rebellion, glorifies personal courage, holds “obedience” in the
deepest contempt (ergo, the designation of Muslim Brotherhood supporters as
“sheep”), and hoists the free self-expression of the individual, even before
that of the mass, as a supreme value (merely observe the explosions of graffiti
and personally tailored placards that have been such a unique and pervasive
feature of the Egyptian revolution).
Not only has the Egyptian Revolution been an overwhelmingly urban phenomenon
(with the countryside basically standing on the sidelines). But as one ballot
after another since the Constitutional Declaration of March 2011 and up to last
December’s referendum have shown, the countryside has acted as a bulwark, or
strategic reserve for the counter-revolution, with the latter having
consistently attempted to pit electoral versus revolutionary “legitimacy”, even
as it juggled the two – arbitrarily and capriciously.
And make no bones about it. The Muslim Brotherhood’s project is nothing less
than a full scale counter-revolution. If in any doubt, just go through the
constitution drafted exclusively by them and their Salafi allies, or better yet
watch Salafi leader Yasser Borhami on YouTube reassuring his followers that the
freedoms and civil liberties articles in the constitution were no more than
window dressing, pointing them to the relevant articles deliberately designed to
emasculate them.
Meanwhile, we are promised a new piece of legislation, to be enacted by the
electorally “legitimate” Shura Council, even if a mere 5% of the electorate took
part in the vote of its “elected” members, while the president appointed another
third of its members, packing it even further with droves of his Islamist
supporters, and with a single Coptic woman sprinkled as dubious sweetener.
The promised piece of legislation is designed to effectively ban
demonstrations and strikes (it includes the uniquely bizarre stipulation that a
strike should not halt production). These two basic instruments of protest are,
needless to say, basic rights seized by the revolution, let alone that it was
thanks to them that Mubarak was overthrown, Mr Morsi let out of prison, and set
on his way to the presidential palace in Heliopolis, graffiti adorned as it
might be.....
The Arabic, taryeef, has been with us for some time. More often than
not, it has been used to refer to the process of haphazard urbanization that
followed on the heels of the defeat of June 1967, and has been full-blown since
the seventies. As the Egyptian state relinquished, one after another, its basic
functions save for plunder and repression, rural migration to the urban centres
of the country was creating everywhere new sprawling urban settlements that
physically, culturally and in terms of life-styles appeared as hugely bloated
villages transplanted onto an urban landscape.
It was such settlements that provided the stomping grounds of the Jihadists
of the ‘90s, and continue to act as breeding grounds for Salafists and other of
the more regressive and extreme tendencies of Egyptian Islamism.
Neither is pitting rural against urban Egypt terribly new. President Sadat,
faced with the increasingly potent challenge of leftist-led students and workers
movements, styled himself “the faithful president”, called for a return to
“village values” and even had his flunkies trump up a new piece of repressive
legislation which he called “the law of shame”. Sartorially conscious, the late
president’s multifarious wardrobe prominently included the magnificently
tailored robes of a (very) rich Egyptian peasant.
In electoral terms, rigging notwithstanding, the Egyptian countryside has
been for decades an extraordinarily pliant tool of those in power. Almost
invariably voting in considerably higher ratios than their urban counterparts,
with rural women remarkably voting in even higher ratios than men, the
electorate of the Egyptian country-side is literally herded to the balloting
box, and invariably casts its ballots on the basis of patronage rather than
politics.
This pattern remains as true after the revolution of 2011 as it was before
it. I’ve noted before that triumphant revolutions tend to pull the stragglers
along. More specifically, urban revolutions such as the Egyptian variety are
obliged to win the peasantry if they are to survive, and they do so by acting to
meet their most urgent needs, namely greater and fairer access to, and nominal
or effective ownership of the land they till.
The leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, having itself become ruralised,
seems fully aware of the sharp rural urban dichotomy that has come to its
fullest crystallisation following the triumph of the urban embodied in the
Egyptian Revolution. Even before the revolution, the reformist trend within the
Brotherhood had been warning of the ruralisation of their movement, which they
were convinced was fundamentally urban and modern. It was such ruralisation,
they argued, that ultimately enabled the full takeover of the movement by its
most regressive sections, the Qutbis and the Salafists.
In a 2008 article (which appeared in the English translation quoted below, in
Al-Ahram Weekly of 23 October, 2008), the late Hossam Tammam writes:
“The Muslim Brotherhood used to be an urban group in its membership and style
of management. Now its cultural patterns and loyalties are taking on a rural
garb… Over the past few years, the Muslim Brotherhood has been infused with
rural elements. Its tone is becoming more and more patriarchal, and its members
are showing their superiors the kind of deference associated with countryside
traditions. You hear them referring to their top officials as the "uncle hajj",
"the big hajj", "our blessed one", "the blessed man of our circle", "the crown
on our heads", etc. Occasionally, they even kiss the hands and heads of the top
leaders.”
The rhetoric used by the Brotherhood and its Salafist allies against their
opponents is equally revealing of a deliberate, conscious manipulation of the
rural urban divide. The leaders of the National Salvation Front are portrayed as
belonging to a prosperous, even licentious urban “elite”, more concerned with
safeguarding their “loose” life-styles, their bars and clubs, than with the lot
of the common man, the latter invariably portrayed as socially conservative,
culturally-backward, God-fearing, and obedient, i.e. an archetypal villager.
Most remarkable of all has been the clearly observable fact that in order to
put into effect their more pernicious, more fascistic plans, such as thug
militia attacks on peaceful protesters, the Muslim Brotherhood leadership could
not depend on its urban membership, but invariably had to bus in these would-be
Hitler Jugend from the surrounding provinces.
In the presidential elections, as in the last constitutional referendum, the
great cities of the nation, with Cairo at their forefront, voted for democracy
and the revolution; the countryside for the counter-revolution. This was
glaringly apparent in the presidential elections, and is no less true, even if
less readily observable in the recent constitutional referendum.
Separate the latest ballot in the main urban centres of the country from
their rural, or ruralised environs and almost invariably you’ll find a clear
“No” vote in the cities, a “Yes” vote in the countryside.
Yet, and for the time being, the balance of forces in the country is too
evenly balanced. Egypt remains a deeply divided nation. Constitution or not, the
Brotherhood and their Salafi allies are not able to bring their authoritarian
project to fruition.
Egypt in 2012/3 is a largely urban society (with the urban-rural ratio around
60 to 40%). The fact that this is yet to express itself in the ballot box is a
function of a number of factors, including big pro-democracy majorities in the
cities as opposed to overwhelming pro-authoritarian majorities in the
countryside; the bussing or rather half-trucking of rural voters – en masse – to
the voting stations as opposed to the individual, rather moody, at their own
steam, and easy to lose faith voting patterns of urban citizens.
Indeed, the Constitution was passed not only by virtue of an overwhelming
“Yes” in the countryside, but also because a great many of the urban potential
“No” voters did not turn out. Add some rigging, intimidation and ballot
station-barring against potential opponents, and the 64-36% result would seem
inevitable.
For its part, the power structure remains deeply fractured. The ruling Muslim
Brotherhood do not have control of either the army or the police. And, not for
want of trying, they are yet to succeed in their concerted attempt to bring the
judiciary to heel.
Yet, equally, so are the revolution and the cause of democracy in Egypt
incapable of realisation; the revolution remains stalled and hijacked, and a
genuine Egyptian democracy continues to be an unreachable dream.
And it will continue to be so if rural Egypt remains a counter-revolutionary
reservoir. Talk shows and press conferences will not do it, and neither will
putting tens, even hundreds of thousands of protesters on urban streets, over
and over again. Peasants are a suspicious lot. As they should be. They’ve been oppressed,
neglected and tricked too many times and for far too long by urban masters of
all kinds. To win their trust, to break through the monopoly of state and
religious patronage over their political will, you need to go to their very
doorsteps. And you need to make the revolution and its democratic aims relevant
to their lives.
Thirty years of Mubarak’s eradication of political space in the country can
no longer serve as a pretext for persistent political amateurishness by the
revolutionary and democratic forces. When the National Salvation Front finally
came to the position of calling on the people to go to the ballot and vote “No”,
they did so as if surprised by their the failure of their initial, legitimate
attempt at preventing the blatantly illegitimate draft from being put to the
vote.
Yet, this should have been a contingency, even the most likely contingency,
for which they should have been well prepared all along.
And it is high time to shatter the distortive lens of “civic” versus Islamist
forces, which by the time it reaches Upper Egypt is translated into atheists and
Copts against Islam. Revolutionary times are equally a time of the primacy of
politics, certainly not of ideology. The fact that from within Egyptian
Islamism, indeed from the very heart of the Brotherhood, a growingly potent
democratic trend is emerging is something to be welcomed and cherished, not
neglected and side-lined.
And revolution is not merely about protesting, as brilliant and courageous as
this has been and continues to be. It is equally about political savvy and
organizational skill. It’s about the ability to translate the aims of the
revolution into strategy and tactics, and the many forms of political and
popular organization able to put these into practice.
And as we approach the second anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution, is it
not also high time the revolution’s objectives were put into concrete
programmatical proposals and demands, staggered as urgent, middle- and long
term?
Social Justice is not merely a noble sentiment to be realised in the
repetition. It must, and should mean a concrete set of proposals for the here
and now, for the poor and dispossessed, both urban and rural.
In short, it is high time the revolution and the democratic forces in the
country put their act together."
" تناقش الحلقة تصريحات الأخضر الإبراهيمي المبعوث الدولي لسوريا بشأن مواجهة سوريا لاحتمالين إما الجحيم أو عملية سياسية. ما إمكانية التسوية بين الشعب والرئيس بشار الأسد؟ وهل موسوكو فعلا عاجزة عن إقناعه بالتنحي؟ تقديم: الحبيب الغريبي تاريخ البث: 29/12/2012 الضيوف: سمير نشار, ليونيد سوكبانبن, غسان شبانة "
"Today in the snowbound Stockholm the International women's movement FEMEN
and anti-islamist Egyptian activist Alia al-Mahdi have called to say NO to
Sharia constitution in Egypt! Before the decisive day of the referendum in Egypt
activists came to the Embassy of Egypt in Stockholm to support Egyptian heroes
who are resisting the sharia-dictatorial draft of the constitution of the
president Morsi. FEMEN calls people of Great Egypt to deny this religious
bondage of newly appeared prophet Morsi and to give the chance for Egypt for the
rightful democratic development."
An Israeli-Arab politician
who took part in a flotilla of ships attempting to breach the blockade of Gaza in 2010 will be able to
compete in the general election in three weeks, after the supreme court
unanimously overturned a ban on her candidacy.
A panel of nine judges overruled a decision by the central elections
committee to disqualify Haneen Zoabi from seeking re-election as a member of the
Israeli parliament. The committee's decision was based on her participation in
the flotilla.
Following the supreme court's ruling on Sunday, Zoabi said the attempt to bar
her from the election was "the result of political and personal persecution
against me, against my party and against the Arab public as a whole".
But, she added, "this ruling does little to erase the threats,
delegitimisation and physical as well as verbal abuse that I have endured … over
the past three years."......."
"We ask if UN-Arab League mediator, Lakhdar Brahimi can help end the Syrian crisis after talks with opposition. Inside Syria, with presenter Adrian Finighan speaks to guests: Dr Yazan Abdallah, a Syrian political activist Dr. Abdallah is a member of Syria Dialogue -- a group calling for transitional change in Syria; Dimitri Babich, political analyst at Russia Profile Magazine; Radwan Ziadeh, member of the Syrian National Council; and Salman Shaikh, director of the Brookings Doha Center."
Palestinians united around demand for freedom for thousands of political
prisoners in Israeli jails as detainees adopt the Irish tactic of hunger strike
