Why does the Western media refuse to see the epochal resurgence of Egypt's
revolutionary spirit? Because love is blind
A SUPERB PIECE AND HIGHLY RECOMMENDED READING
Hani Shukrallah , Monday 10 Dec 2012
Ahram Online
"..... Egypt was once again making
world history; millions of Egyptians across the country were engaged in
open
popular revolt against the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, almost literally the
mother of all modern political Islamist movements, not least the dread Al-Qaeda,
which had occupied the centre stage of global politics – and Western media
attention – for close on three decades.
So remarkable was this
new wave of the Egyptian revolution, its reach
extended from the heartland of Brotherhood-support in Upper Egypt to
Mediterranean Alexandria, which in turn had appeared to have thoroughly
renounced its rich cosmopolitan heritage to become the distasteful playground of
grim Taliban-like Salafists.
It was, moreover,
the first ever popular uprising against a ruling Islamist
movement, much wider in scope, intensity and social composition than any of the
revolts we’d seen hitherto against the Ayatollahs’ rule in Iran.
And yet,
the Western media seemed unmoved and uninterested. “They have
mouths, but cannot speak, eyes, but they cannot see.”.....
Why then this obdurate blindness that seems suddenly to have struck the
Western media vis-à-vis Egypt?
I would suggest two basic reasons, one deep-seated, almost visceral, while
the other is
conscious, interest-bound and utilitarian.....
Arch-Zionist and one time British spook, Bernard Louis would tell us such
things as: “To the modern Western observer,” Islamic behviour in the modern
world may appear anomalous, anachronistic and absurd, but he would hasten to
add, “it is neither anachronistic nor absurd in relation to Islam.” By 1990,
well before the 9/ 11 atrocity, Louis would take his bizarre-Muslims theory a
little bit further, giving us the Clash, “the perhaps irrational but surely
historical reaction of an ancient rival against our Judeo-Christian heritage.”
Samuel Huntington would later “develop” it into one of the most ridiculous
pieces of political theory ever (badly)-written, “The Clash of Civilizations”,
first in essay, then in book form.
But clash, dialogue or love-fest, the real point is the dissimilarity. In
contrast to the rest of the world, and specifically to the “West”, the behavior
of Muslims, be it political, social, or cultural can only be understood “in
relation to Islam”, and this an Islam divested of the greatest and most
enlightened of its traditions, an Islam defined and delimited by modern day
Islamists, conservative, literalist and regressive. Not only was the great
tradition of Islamic rationalism to be denied, but every other feature of the
richness and diversity of our inherited and contemporary culture. Everything
from a Thousand and One Nights to Om Kalthoum would be thrown by the way
side.
Mubarak, no less than Islamist forces in Egypt and outside were happy to
subscribe to variations of such a reductive perspective.
For the sitting
dictator, it was proof positive that his vicious police state was the only
bulwark standing between the world and an Islamist flood sweeping the country,
beloved Israel, the Greater Middle East, crossing over into the European
heartland, and exploding a nuclear device in some major American city.
For the dictators in waiting, it was proof positive that they were “the
authentic” representatives of an overwhelmingly “authentic” population, (“
90% of
the people,” to quote Mr Morsi, who won the presidential election by a bare 51%
of the vote) – all they need do is convince the “West” that,
in power, they
would make nice with Israel, keep the Greater Middle East safe for the World
Bank, IMF and multi-national corporations, and that their often rabid
civilization clashing was really confined to domestic “others”, including
liberal ninnies, commie agitators, licentious riff-raff such as artists, writers
and journalists, and, of course, local Christians, Shiites and Bahaais.
The Arab Spring, especially the Egyptian revolution, came to unseat the all
pervasive, pernicious paradigm. And for a brief period the Western media seemed
happy to discover that for Arabs and Muslims too, there was “something in the
soul that cries out of freedom,” as Obama was to quote Martin Luther King Jr. in
his salute to the Egyptian revolution on 12 February 2011.
Yet, even during those glorious 18 days of Jan-Feb of that year, I would
constantly get Western journalists querying me about “the crucial” or “decisive”
part Islamists, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, were playing in the
revolution. Where they got such certitude I was at a loss to understand, seeing
that there were millions on the streets, that you’d be hard pressed to find a
single sign or chant in Cairo’s Tahrir or anywhere else in the country calling
for the application of Sharia’a or “governance by what God has ordained,” that
the revolutionary banner of:
Bread, Freedom, Social Justice, had not an ounce of
Islamism in it, that Christians and Muslims, women and men, fought together
shoulder to shoulder, and that egalitarianism among all Egyptians had been the
overriding ethic of the Egyptian revolution.
All too soon, the readiness of the Brotherhood and its Salafist allies
coupled to the unpreparedness of the revolutionaries (due to 30 years of the
eradication of politics under Mubarak) seemed to bear the deep-seated bias out.
The extremely nuanced and complex reality of post revolutionary Egypt would be
made to disappear, and the Western media’s coverage of the emergent political
landscape in the country would regress into – what I’ve come to call –
infantile
Orientalism.
Deep-seated bias is only one part of the explanation, however. The second
secret to the love affair is much more down to earth, essentially a function of
realpolitik.
For the US-led Western alliance, the Muslim Brotherhood in
power in Egypt proved to be the answer to a prayer.
Notwithstanding all the
rhetoric about the liberation of “Islamic Palestine”,
Egypt’s new rulers would swear themselves blue in the face that they would
uphold the commitment to the peace treaty with Israel, collaborate with the
“hated enemy” in fighting terrorists in Sinai, bring in American troops and
sophisticated spying equipment into the troubled peninsula’s demilitarized Area
C, all the while
maintaining “strategic ties” with Washington.
It would take the US/Egypt brokered truce in Gaza, however, to have Western
media and pundits drooling over Mr Morsi and his up-and-coming Muslim
Brotherhood run and controlled regime. All of a sudden, they discovered that
not
only was the MB president as compliant as his predecessor on “Israeli security”,
but that he was proving a much more effective partner in this respect.
Suddenly, the realization hit home: Here was a democratically elected
president (albeit narrowly), backed by
“authentic” Islamist Muslims, not only in
Egypt but throughout the Greater Middle East, able not only to
intimidate and
pressure Hamas into “reasonableness”, as Mubarak’s Omar Suleiman was known to
do, but to do so in his capacity as Big Brother to the errant Palestinian branch
of his movement. A unique and previously unexpected prize of this order was
simply too precious to squander, even for the sake of such niceties as basic
liberties and human rights.
So precious indeed, that one Israeli political writer suggested only last
week that
Netanyahu’s Israel might be in the process of making a strategic shift
in its attitude to Hamas. Translated from the Hebrew by Media-Clips-Isr, Alex
Fishman, writing in
Yedioth Aharonot, suggests that under Netanyahu’s
leadership Israel was in the process of changing its policy on the Gaza Strip,
and that “
Instead of toppling Hamas, it wants to give the Hamas regime power so
that it will ensure quiet and to push it toward the Sunni, anti-Iranian
coalition of Egypt, Qatar and Turkey.” Far-fetched, you might say. Possibly, I
admit I haven’t been following Israeli politics as I should, what with domestic
Egyptian developments overwhelming time and thought. Yet, very indicative, to
say the least.
Rehabilitating Hamas with a view to “safeguarding Israeli security”, as
defined by Netanyhau, no less than setting up a regional Sunni coalition against
Iran are, it goes without saying, top agenda items in US/European policy in the
Middle East.
But there is a more compelling reason for the Western alliance and its
media’s love affair with Egypt’s Brotherhood – one of even greater strategic
import. For some time now, the US and its allies had come to realize that the
rickety, aged and corruption-ridden police states in the region, however
servile, were very poor guardians of their vital interests in the region. The
Arab Spring seemed to have given rise to a new and ostensibly much more solid
foundation on which to anchor these interests. And as predicted by nearly
everyone for years, some form of political Islam seemed the only viable
alternative at hand.
In Egypt, by far the biggest Arab state and home to Al-Azhar, the very
fount-head of Sunni Islam, the Mother of all Islamist movements, the Muslim
Brotherhood, had come to power and was
ready and able to be the sort of loyal
friend and guardian of “vital” Western interests as its predecessors had been,
and to do so in a considerably more “legitimate” and effective manner.
Embroiled for the past decade in a seemingly endless and harrowing battle
against “terrorism”, specifically against Islamist radicalism, and with Europe
increasingly phobic about the “demographic nightmare” of the Muslim “enemy
within”, the US and its allies now had a model of the kind of Islamism they
could have only dreamed of. By its very existence, such an Egyptian model was
bound to undercut the dread radicals and ameliorate the “Islamist threat”, all
the way from the heart of Paris to the Qaeda infested hills of Afghanistan and
Pakistan.
This veritable treasure was as valuable to hold onto as its opposite, the
collapse of such a model, was to be dreaded. Indubitably, such failure would
provide a powerful boost to Islamist radicals everywhere, a further argument
that Jihad rather than a “Western, Secularist-imported democracy” is the only
way forward.
The love affair is thus explained, and as the popular saying goes “Love is
blind.”
And yet, here at home, the souls of millions of Egyptians continue to cry out
for freedom, come what may."