فوق السلطة - سفارة العم سام في الأرض الحرام

مصر لـ"حماس": لا تتحدثوا عن اتصالات السعودية بإسرائيل

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أبلغت مصادر مصرية، حركةَ حماس، بضرورة عدم الحديث عن تفاصيل مواقف بعض الدول العربية، وطبيعة اتصالاتها مع الجانب الإسرائيلي، وموقفها من مسيرات العودة، والمجزرة الإسرائيلية الأخيرة في قطاع غزة، والتي راح ضحيتها ما يزيد على 60 شهيداً، وأكثر من ألفي مصاب. وأوضحت المصادر، لـ "العربي الجديد"، أن "القاهرة أطْلعت قيادة الحركة على الموقف العربي بشكل واضح، وأقصى رهان من الممكن أن يراهن عليه أهالي غزة من الدول العربية في الوقت الراهن"، بحسب تعبير المصادر.

وقالت المصادر إن "اللواء عباس كامل طالب قيادة حماس بعدم ذكر اسم المملكة العربية السعودية وطبيعة اجتماعات مسؤولين سعوديين، أخيراً بمسؤولين إسرائيليين". وأكدت أن "هذه الفترة هي الأكثر وضوحاً في الموقف السعودي مما يجري في الأراضي الفلسطينية"، كاشفة بأن "مسؤول سعودي بارز حمّل الفلسطينيين على مستوى السلطة، والفصائل، مسؤولية التدهور الذي آلت إليه القضية". ولفتت إلى أن "الأمر لم يتوقف عند هذا الحد، بل تطرق إلى أن المسؤول حمّلهم مسؤولية تدهور الأوضاع العربية برمّتها وصعود نجم إيران وتسهيل مهمتها في الهيمنة على المنطقة، لمجرد عدم تعاملهم بواقعية مع المعطيات طوال العقود الماضية".

" "خطة ترامب المعروفة بصفقة القرن تقوم على إقامة دولة فلسطينية بحدود مؤقتة "

ووفقاً للمصادر نفسها، فإن "السعودية الجديدة تسعى لإعادة رسم التحالفات في المنطقة لمواجهة النفوذ الإيراني الذي يهددها، وتدرك جيداً أنه لا مفرّ من اللجوء إلى تحالف تكون إسرائيل جزءاً أساسياً منه، في ظل ما تراه من تقاطع المشروع الإخواني مع الدولة التركية، وهو ما يرفضه تماماً ولي العهد السعودي محمد بن سلمان". وقالت المصادر "السعودية أيضاً نقلت لحماس عبر مصر، أنها لن تقدم أي مساعدات جديدة للفلسطينيين في ظل النهج المتبع، الرافض للتعاطي مع أطروحات حل القضية في مقدمتها خطة (الرئيس الأميركي دونالد) ترامب".


FUCK THE "NEW" SAUDI ARABIA AND FUCK BIN SALMAN, THE ZIONIST!

وبحسب مصادر تحدثت في وقت سابق لـ"العربي الجديد"، فإن "خطة ترامب المعروفة بصفقة القرن تقوم على إقامة دولة فلسطينية بحدود مؤقتة، ومقطعة الأوصال، مع تأجيل الحديث بشأن حق العودة، وهو التصور الذي يدعمه ولي العهد السعودي، إذ سعى للضغط على رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية محمود عباس خلال زيارة سابقة للرياض، للقبول به، بدعوة الحصول على أي شيء ثم استكمال المفاوضات".

يذكر أن الرئيس المصري عبد الفتاح السيسي أكد أن "مصر لن يكون في مقدورها أن تقدم لأهالي غزة أكثر من فتْح معبر رفح وتقديم المساعدات الطبية فقط، بشأن التصعيد الإسرائيلي الأخير"، مشدّداً على أنه "عشان يكون الجميع عارف مش هنقدر نعمل أكتر من كده". وقال السيسي، خلال فقرة "اسأل الرئيس"، ضمن فعاليات المؤتمر الوطني الخامس للشباب، إن "مصر قررت فتح معبر رفح من أجل التخفيف على المواطنين في قطاع غزة"، مؤكداً "وجود اتصال دائم بالجانبين الفلسطيني والإسرائيلي من أجل وقف نزيف الدم". وتابع السيسي "عاوز أقولللفلسطينيين إن التعبير والاحتجاج عن رفضهم لقرار نقل السفارة الأميركية للقدس، ميؤديش بيهم لسقوط ضحايا كثر، وعاوز أقول لإسرائيل إن ردود أفعال الشعب الفلسطيني مشروعة".

Why I marched on May 14 in Gaza near the Israeli fence

No, it was not because 'Hamas made me'.

by Haidar Eid

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I have been going to the Great March of Return in Gaza two to three times a week, ever since it started on March 30. It makes me feel closer to my village of Zarnouqa, which once stood near what used to be the Palestinian city of al-Ramla. Israeli militias ethnically cleansed the area in 1948, expelling tens of thousands of Palestinians, including my parents.

The Great March of Return is the beginning of our long walk to freedom to undo this injustice of 1948.

We march for three reasons. One, we want UN Resolution 194, which calls for the return of all Palestinian refugees to their lands, to be implemented. Two, we want the genocidal siege imposed on Gaza by apartheid Israel to be lifted. Three, we refuse to accept the decision to move the US embassy to occupied Jerusalem. 

We, the marchers, belong to all sectors of Palestinian civil society and all spectrums of political organisations. And despite what the Zionist hasbara (propaganda) might have you believe, it wasn't Hamas who "made" us march.

The National Committee of the March has representatives from all Palestinian political organisations, including Fatah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the National Initiative, among others.

On May 14, I was one of tens of thousands of Gazans who decided to go to the eastern fence lined with Israeli snipers.

"Today will be a grand day in Palestinian history! A day all Palestinians, Arabs and freedom-loving people will remember for ages to come!" I wrote on my Facebook wall just before I left home that day to drive with my three friends - an academic, a salesman and an activist - to join the march.

There were tens of thousands of people there with us - men, women and children, entire families from all walks of life. 

WATCH: Deadliest Gaza protests in weeks amid US embassy move (2:12)

These thousands of people, walking unarmed to the fence to demand their right to return, worried Israel. Its government gave instructions to the soldiers to shoot any civilian trying to "trespass".

And so the shooting began as early as nine o'clock that morning. I saw women, children, amputees, young men, and elderly get shot, even though they were not trying to "trespass". One young man, whose face I will never forget, was shot in the abdomen and never made it to the hospital.

A young woman, whose face was covered with a Palestinian keffiyeh, was shot in the neck but survived.  By the end of the day, we lost 60 people, and more than 2,700 were injured.

The most heartbreaking deaths were those of eight-month-old baby Laila El-Ghandour and Fadi Abu Saleh, an amputee who had lost his legs to an Israeli mine. Two of the 60 martyrs were brothers. 

And then, I received the news of the martyrdom of my friend Ahmed al-Udini, who left behind a 3-year-old daughter. He was a leftist student activist and after graduation joined the Boycott Divestment Sanctions group in Gaza and worked as a show presenter at the Al-Shaab radio station. He was no "terror threat" as Israel would have you believe.

As we get ready to bury him and the rest of the dead, we know that we have been abandoned. The bitter reality is that we are alone, beleaguered, under siege, and undesirable even to some of those who are supposed to be our brethren.

For six weeks now, we have faced the onslaught by one of the world's strongest armies, which possesses hundreds of nuclear warheads, more than 150,000 troops on active duty, Merkava battle tanks, F-16 jets, Apache attack helicopters, gunboats and drones.

When Israel is not sniping us down or bombing us, it exerts great effort to ensure that we live in subhuman conditions under siege in Gaza. We get electricity for only 4 hours a day, 95 percent of our water is undrinkable, and our seriously ill wither away as they wait for months for a permit to get treatment in the West Bank.

WATCH: Gaza's Al-Shifa Hospital 'on brink of collapse' as injuries mount (2:55)

As our hospitals, already crippled by the siege, are struggling to cope with the 12,000 injured since March 30, some Arab regimes and a complicit EU are doing absolutely nothing except issuing timid statements. In reality, they have let down the Palestinians for years, and to this day, official international attitudes are a combination of cowardice and hypocrisy.

The international community, the UN, the EU, and Arab leaders have remained largely silent about the atrocities committed by apartheid Israel. Instead, they are asking us to stay quiet in Gaza, the largest open-air concentration camp, so as not to inconvenience the Israeli occupiers.

We are expected to conduct ourselves as "house Palestinians," like the house slaves who were grateful to their white masters and who were satisfied to eat the leftovers from their tables. We are required to accept our slow death and show no form of resistance, to accept that if we get shot, then it is our own fault.

As we are burying our dead, we do know that we have only one tenable option. This option does not entail waiting for the UNSC, the EU or the Arab League to convene.

This option is "power of the people", the only force capable of facing off with the Israeli military occupation. We have chosen to fight for dignity, a departure from years of self-deception that portrayed slavery under the occupier as a fait accompli.

The result of this decision made by Palestinian civil society and all political forces is the Great March of Return.

The only way forward for us is to follow the same route as the South African struggle. It focused on mobilising the masses on the ground rather than indifferent governments around the world.

What hope could South Africans have had to get help from the likes of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan? It was up to ordinary South Africans and global citizens to reject and resist the crimes committed by the ugly apartheid system.

Our main advantage as Palestinians in this unequal fight is what the late Edward Said called "the high moral ground." Our victory at the end will be the inevitable result of our steadfastness that has not wavered despite the feeling that we have been left on our own.

ما وراء الخبر-فلسطين على طاولة العرب.. علامات الاستفهام والتعجب

لقاء خاص-السنوار: حريصون على عدم عسكرة حراك غزة

الاتجاه المعاكس- لماذا انتصر حلفاء إيران على حلفاء السعودية؟

لماذا تجاهل العرب التطورات الأخيرة بالأراضي المحتلة؟

  عرب جرب

الحصاد- غزة.. مجزرة على الحدود

الحصاد- أميركا.. السفارة في القدس

أكثر من 50 شهيدا في مليونية العودة

Carlos Latuff's Cartoon

The Guardian view on Gaza shootings: stop killing unarmed civilians

Channelling a reckless Donald Trump, Israeli ministers appear to have adopted a dangerous mindset: to destroy the national aspirations of the Palestinians by military force

Guardian Editorial
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It is inexcusable for soldiers of a military, especially those under democratic civilian control, to shoot and kill protesters, almost all of whom were unarmed, and who pose no credible threat. Yet at the boundary between Gaza and Israel today Israeli soldiers seem to have done just that. It should make Israelis quail that demonstrators were sprayed with live ammunition with apparent impunity. There were dozens of deaths and hundreds of maimings among the Palestinians who had marched to the border to make a point about their right to return to their ancestral homes. Israel’s army evinced no shame in committing what looks like a war crime. These are serious accusations. Yet they were greeted with little more than a shrug. By blockading Gaza, Israel imprisoned 2 million people behind barbed wire and military towers. Israel treated the violence as a jailer might a prison riot: a tragic fault of the inmates.

This is a dangerous mindset for Israelis to embrace. Yet they have done so because the extreme right in Israel, and most of the present government ministers, nurture the idea that Israel can, through its vastly superior military force, end the national aspirations of the Palestinians. These politicians take succour from US president Donald Trump, who has made good on his promise to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Today Mr Trump’s ambassador, who gave money to Jewish far-right groups in Israel, opened his nation’s new embassy in Jerusalem. This is a reckless and provocative step that will harm the prospects for peace. Like the issue of refugees, settlements and borders, the status of Jerusalem is unfinished business. No state is internationally recognised as having sovereignty over Jerusalem. Its status was meant to be determined through negotiations.

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1:32

 Palestinians killed as US opens embassy in Jerusalem – video report

In siding with Israel Mr Trump signalled the end of any pretence that his administration might be an honest broker in the conflict. Any peace talks overseen by Mr Trump’s team are likely to fail before they begin. The US president will learn what happens when the facts he has created on the ground collide with reality. What will happen to the 300,000 Palestinians living in east Jerusalem? Are they all to be herded into enclaves and deprived of their human rights, their land confiscated? Will this be done because of the “truth, peace and justice” that Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel believed in as he welcomed the US ambassador to Jerusalem? Mr Trump and Mr Netanyahu have galvanised a people who had been steeped in despair.

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In taking Jerusalem off the table, the only inviolable demand Palestinians feel they have left is the right of return. Palestinians see the flight or expulsion of refugees at the time of the creation of Israel 70 years ago this week as their catastrophe or nakba. Israelis retort that implementation of the right of return is incompatible with the survival of a democratic Jewish majority state. The issue is now on the lips of every Palestinian. The conflict in the Holy Land is not a zero-sum game, where there is just one winner. The opposite is more likely to be true. Either both will fail – and continue with one civilian population humiliating and terrorising the other. Or they find a way to live side by side in two states, one that affords each people their own independence and security. If happily such an outcome was achieved, it would make sense for west Jerusalem to be the capital of Israel and east Jerusalem to be the Palestinian capital. This is obvious to everyone but Mr Trump and Mr Netanyahu, who instead have capitulated to a vision of brutal domination over a benighted people.