Thursday, May 25, 2017

DNA - 25/05/2017 طريق القدس تمر في البحرين

#الهزيمة ليست عسكرية فقط: إعلام النكسة

عرب 48

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ليست الحرب قضية عسكريّة فحسب، ولا تكون العودة إليها عبر مطالعة الخطط العسكريّة والاستماع إلى ما يقوله الخبراء العسكريّون، ذلك جزء مهم من 'استخلاص العبر'، لكن الجزء الأهم يكون في العودة إلى الظروف التي هيَّأت للهزيمة، من انتصار محسوم للعرب قبل الحرب، إذ اعتقد كثيرون أن العائق الوحيد أمام تحرير فلسطين هو حالة اللاحرب بين إسرائيل والدول العربية، وأن المانع الوحيد لتحريرها هو عدم نشوب الحرب، في مقابل الخوف والذعر الإسرائيليين من أن العربَ سيرمونهم في بحر حيفا ويافا.
لم يصحُ العربي على الهزيمة العسكريّة فقط، بل استفاق على هزيمة عسكريّة، لا زالت آثارها ماثلة للعيان حتى الآن، إنها أزمة الإعلام، إعلام النكسة، الذي لا زلنا نستظل بظلّه، فحين كان الاحتلال الإسرائيلي يتقدّم في أرض الفيروز ويرتكب المجازر بحقّ أبنائها، ويعربد في القدس وسائر مدن الضفّة الغربيّة والجولان، كان الصحف العربيّة، تتحدّث عن أن القوات العربية احتلت النقب وتتقدّم نحو تل أبيب، وهو ما اتضح زيفه وكذبه، ظنّ إعلام النكسة (بالمناسبة، مصطلح 'نكسة' هو مصطلح مخفّف لأكبر هزيمة في تاريخ العرب الحديث، وضياع ما تبقّى من أرض فلسطين) أنه بتزييفه الواقع يحققُ حلمًا طال انتظاره، وهو تحرير فلسطين، لكنه لم يصنع حلمًا مستمدًا من الواقع، إنما صنع وهمًا، جاء بديلا عن الواقع، عن الضعف والوهن العربيّين، وعن استقواء إسرائيل وتمكّنها منّا.
في مقابل صناعة الوهم العربيّة كان الوضع مختلفًا في إسرائيل، فقد أصدر وزير الأمن الإسرائيلي حينها، موشيه دايان، في اليوم الأول للحرب، أمرًا لكافة وسائل الإعلام الإسرائيليّة بضرورة منع كتابة أيّة تطورات في الحرب، وهي احتلال جيشه الأرضَ العربيّة، في محاولة لمنع تدخل مجلس الأمن الدوليّ للحد من تقدّم جيش الاحتلال كما حصل أثناء العدوان الثلاثي على مصر.
يترككم موقع 'عرب 48' مع ما تداولته أبرز الصحف العربيّة والإسرائيلية قبل، أثناء وبعد النكسة، على أن ينشر، لاحقًا، يوميات الحرب في الصحف العربية والإسرائيلية كما وردت في تاريخها عام 67.


The Trump effect: More dangerous than the man himself

Qataris awoke last night to fears that a coup was under way, just the start of dark days to come after Trump's blessing to the region's tyrants

By David Hearst

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These are dark days. Darkened by the slaughter of children in Manchester. Darkened by the fawning welcome Donald Trump received in Riyadh. But darkened further by the Trump effect, which could be even more dangerous than the man himself. 
Trump was crystal clear to those Arab leaders who had paid their jizya: “I am not here to talk to you about human rights. In fact, I am not going to mention the word once. I am not here to lecture you on democracy. You can do what you want to your own people. In fact, I am not here to talk to you about life at all. I am talking about death. I want you to wipe jihadis from the face of the earth,” he seemed to be saying.
This was not Cicero talking. It was Caesar. Proximity to this new source of wisdom and power was everything. At the photocall at the end of the summit, King Salman stood to the left of Trump and the Emir of Qatar to his right. The closest that Sisi could get was next to King Abdullah II of Jordan who was next to Salman.
Mohammed bin Zayed, the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, turned up late. He shook hands with Sisi and then pushed himself between Trump and Qatar's Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani.
Bin Zayed took his duties as Trump’s right-hand man in the Middle East seriously. On Monday, the sound of someone knocking at the door in the middle of the night was heard all over Qatar.

Night moves

Qataris woke to find the website of the official news agency QNA quoting the ruler of Qatar saying all the most damaging things a Gulf state ruler could say: that Doha had tensions with Trump; that he acknowledged that Iran was an Islamic power; that there was no wisdom in harbouring hostility to Iran; that Trump was facing legal issues at home.
The media coverage given to the fake news report was so swift and so complete, it could only have been pre-planned
This was crude fake news, planted by hackers. Firstly, the emir never even gave a speech to a graduation ceremony for new army recruits, the source of the alleged remarks. Secondly, no Arab leader in his right mind would publicly acknowledge at an official ceremony that he had close links to Israel.
Fake news or not, the Saudi and Emirati-controlled media went to town. Saudi-owned Al Arabiya, Al Ekhbariya and the Emirati-co owned Sky News Arabia cancelled their schedules and gave the fake news piece wall-to-wall coverage throughout the night. The media coverage given to the fake news report was so swift and so complete, it could only have been pre-planned. It took some hours for the dozy Qataris to react with a denial, but even then this was ignored or not carried until the morning.
The offensive against Qatar continued on Wednesday. Al Arabiya published “proof” that the emir’s speech was not hacked. The article however did not address the fact that the news ticker shown on the screen had been manipulated. The UAE's foreign ministry announced it was banning all Qatari news websites.
The hacking was a professional operation. And it had the intended effect. When they did realise what was going on, the shock rippled throughout the small kingdom. No one slept. They thought a coup was being planned.

Trump's green light

The finger for this points to one of Qatar’s several hostile neighbours, but to the Emirates in particular, which has both the motive and the capability of pulling a stunt like this. 
If Trump wanted a short answer to the question of who is responsible for the rise of al-Qaeda and IS, the answer was sitting collectively straight in front of him
In August last year, an Italian security expert, Simone Margaritelli, a researcher with the US cybersecurity firm Zimperium, claimed that an Emirati-sponsored firm tried to recruit him to build an elite task force of hackers. Previously, the New York Times had reported how the UAE was buying off-the-shelf surveillance products. Now, the allegation went, the Emiratis were trying to develop their own team of hackers to develop their own malware and spyware.
This, of course, is exactly what happens when a Middle East neophyte like Trump gives the green light to an audience which includes most of the Arab leaders whose tyrannies and misrule are responsible for creating al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) group in the first place.
This is not in any way to diminish the responsibility of Western governments in feeding the food chain of violence. British intelligence had no problems encouraging British-born Muslims to fight in Bosnia, Libya and Syria - initially - when the bogeymen were the Serbs, Gaddafi and Assad. When, however, national policy flips - as it did with Syria after 2012 - these returning yeomen are treated very differently. 
Demonstrators protest outside QEII Centre in London in July 2016 as they wait to hear the outcome of the Chilcot Inquiry (AFP)
But at the very least, if we are to avert another Bush-Blair-type disaster in the Middle East - maybe this time directed against Iran or its proxies like Hezbollah - Trump has to realise that his newfound Arab allies have very different motives from the US or any Western state in seeking to engage in yet another chapter of the never-ending war on terror. 
Their sole concern is the preservation of autocracies of a viciousness that makes the regimes of Mubarak and Ben Ali pale in comparison. Al-Qaeda was on its knees when popular revolutions toppled these two dictators and when free elections were held for the first time in Egypt and Tunisia. The arrival of IS dates almost exactly with the military coup in Egypt in June 2013. If Trump wanted a short answer to the question of who is responsible for the rise of al-Qaeda and IS, the answer was sitting collectively straight in front of him.
This makes the Trump effect in the Middle East even more hazardous than the one Barack Obama had when he tried and failed to withdraw from it.

Free fall

Obama had many faults. He proved to be in many ways a crueller US president for the Arab people than Trump is by promising more than he could hope to deliver. Trump neither promises nor delivers.  
However, the comparison between Obama’s equivalent “reset” speech that he made in Cairo in June 2009 and the tawdry laundry list recited in Riyadh is instructive.
Its not just that there is no end in sight to 15 years of the War on Terror. It is that every time you think you have reached the bottom of this downward spiral, you find there is further to fall
Obama addressed Arab people, students at Cairo University, in a venue that spelled learning. Trump addressed Arab leaders in a hall that spelled power. Obama talked about civilisation’s debt to Islam. Trump treats the Middle East like a souk, or as he put it, a global centre of opportunity - one he himself had just grabbed with both hands by bagging hundreds of billions of dollars of arms contracts.
Obama acknowledged the responsibility on him for clearing up the mess caused by the US invasion of Iraq. Trump never even mentioned it. Obama talked of human rights. Trump did not mention the words once. Obama talked of life. Trump talked of death. He said the only way to deal with the jihadis was to wipe them from the face of the earth.
US President Donald Trump tours the Global Center for Combatting Extremist Ideology in Riyadh on 21 May 2017 (Reuters)
It's not just that there is no end in sight to 15 years of the war on terror. Nor is it even that each new actor who happens along contributes to the process of keeping it going - Blair and Bush in 2003, Cameron and Sarkozy in 2011, Trump and Netanyahu in 2017. It is that every time you think you have reached the bottom of this downward spiral, you find there is further to fall. 
The conditions which generated the popular uprising of 2011 are stronger now than they ever were. The repression is stronger, states are failing all over the Middle East to provide protection and basic services to their people. The brake has been released on killing machines around the world. The US-led coalition air strikes killed nearly twice the number of civilians in Syria than IS militants did. 
You would think by now that anyone with an ounce of grey matter between his ears would pause before engaging again in another intervention. But that is indubitably where we appear to be headed. On whom the collective death wish will settle is any one’s guess. It could be southern Lebanon, yet again. But the smell of yet another intervention is unmistakable. The consequences of it on future generations of innocent civilians are unmistakable too.
David Hearst is editor-in-chief of Middle East Eye. He was chief foreign leader writer of The Guardian, former Associate Foreign Editor, European Editor, Moscow Bureau Chief, European Correspondent, and Ireland Correspondent. He joined The Guardian from The Scotsman, where he was education correspondent.

Emad Hajjaj's Cartoon: Arab Media!

اعلام عربي

Sunday, May 21, 2017

Remember That?




NOW IT IS TRUMP'S TURN.

THE STUPID ARABS NEVER LEARN!

ترامب يشبه حماس بالقاعدة و"داعش"

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قال الرئيس الأميركي، دونالد_ترمب، في خطاب ألقاه أمام القمة الأميركية العربية الإسلامية في الرياض، اليوم الأحد، إن إيران 'تمول وتسلح وتدرب الإرهابيين والميليشيات. فقد أشعلت إيران النزاعات الطائفية، وهي مسؤولة عن زعزعة الاستقرار في لبنان والعراق واليمن، كما أن التدخلات الإيرانية التي تزعزع الاستقرار واضحة للغاية في سورية، وبفضل إيران ارتكب الأسد الجرائم بحق شعبه، ويجب أن نعمل معاً لعزل إيران ومنعها من تمويل التنظيمات الإرهابية'، مشيراً إلى أن 'الضحية الأبرز للنظام في طهران هو الشعب الإيراني'.
وادعى ترامب، الذي اعتبر أن مشاكل العالم العربي تنحصر ب'الإرهاب' وبعد أن أبرم صفقات أسلحة بمئات مليارات الدولارات مع السعودية، إنه 'اليوم نبدأ فصلا جديدا في الشراكة مع السعودية'، زاعما أنه يقدم 'رسالة صداقة وأمل وحب باسم الشعب الأميركي'.
وقال ترمب لزعماء يمثلون نحو 55 دولة عربية وإسلامية، إنه يهدف لإقامة 'تحالف يقضي على التطرف تماما'، وإلى السلام والأمن والازدهار في هذه المنطقة والعالم، وأن 'المستقبل الأفضل في المنطقة يعتمد على طرد الإرهابيين'، واعتبر أن السعودية والتحالف الإقليمي قاموا بعمل كبير ضد المتمردين في اليمن، ويجب أن تضمن الدول الإسلامية أن الإرهابيين لن يجدوا ملاذا آمنا'.
وقال ترمب إنه 'ملتزمون بتعديل إستراتيجيتنا لمواجهة أخطار الإرهاب، ويجب أن نعمل على قطع مصادر التمويل للتنظيمات الإرهابية'، وأن الدول الإسلامية يجب أن تتحمل المسؤولية الكبرى في هزيمة 'الإرهاب' وأن اتفاقات صفقات الأسلحة ستساعد الجيش السعودي على لعب دور أكبر.
وأضاف ترمب أنه 'سوف نقوم بخطوة تاريخية الليلة بافتتاح مركز مكافحة التطرف في الرياض، وهذا المركز الجديد يوضح أن المسلمين عليهم الدور الأكبر في محاربة الإرهاب'.
وخلط ترامب بين حركات المقاومة في لبنان وفلسطين وبين المنظمات الإرهابية، وادعى أن حزب الله وحماس وداعش والقاعدة وغيرهم 'يمارسون نفس الوحشية... وذبح الأبرياء باسم الدين إهانة لأتباع كل الأديان'.
واعتر ترامب أن 'هذه القمة تمثل بداية السلام ليس فقط في الشرق الأوسط بل في العالم، ودول الشرق الأوسط عليها أن تقرر ما هو المستقبل الذي تريده.
وعن الأزمة السورية، قال ترامب إنه 'يجب أن نعمل معا لإنهاء الأزمة الإنسانية في سورية والتخلص من داعش'.
وقالت قناة الجزيرة إن الشخص الذي أعد النسخة الأولى من خطاب ترمب في الرياض هو ستيفان ميلر، المعروف بأنه يميني محافظ ومن أشد المعادين للمسلمين والمهاجرين ويؤمن بتفوق العرق الأبيض.
وأضافت أن ميلر كان معروفا في مراحل دراسته بعدائه الشديد للمسلمين والمهاجرين من الأقليات الأخرى، ومن أشد الكارهين للاحتفالات الخاصة بذوي الأصول اللاتينية، كما أنه كان مهندس القرار التنفيذي الذي أصدره ترمب لمنع دخول مواطني دول عربية وإسلامية إلى الولايات المتحدة قبل أن تبطله محاكم أميركية. ويعرف عن ميلر أنه محافظ يميني عمل في منظمات كانت توصف بأنها معادية للمسلمين.
وتابعت الجزيرة أن النسخة الأولى التي أعدها ميلر من خطاب ترمب خضعت لمراجعة وتنقيح من قبل مستشاري ترمب، وعلى رأسهم صهره، جيرالد كوشنر، المكلف بكل ملفات الشرق الأوسط، ما جعل الخطاب -وفق مطلعين- أكثر 'تهذيبا'.




LOOK AT THE IDIOT KING DONALD DOING A SWORD DANCE!

A PICTURE IS WORTH A THOUSAND WORDS.

Al-Jazeera Cartoon

كاريكاتير: إضراب الأسرى

Emad Hajjaj's Cartoon: The Palestinian Cause Is Buried Under Many Other Pressing Crises

القضية الفلسطينية

Saturday, May 20, 2017

EXCLUSIVE: Abbas to offer large-scale land swap with Israel in Trump talks

Palestinian Authority ready to exchange three times as much territory as previously discussed, official tells MEE ahead of Trump visit to West Bank

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Donald Trump meeting Mahmoud Abbas in the Oval Office of the White House in early May 2017 (AFP)
Lubna Masarwa's picture
Last update: 
Sunday 21 May 2017 0:06 UTC
Topics: 
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas will be presenting a plan that involves the Palestinians giving up 6.5 percent of their lands to Israel, three times as much as previously offered, during US President Donald Trump visit to the West Bank on Tuesday, Middle East Eye can reveal.
The proposal excludes Jerusalem and appears to cement the vision of former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert for a Palestinian-Israeli peace settlement, a Palestinian official close to the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) told Middle East Eye.
“The Palestinian side will be presenting [during the meeting with Trump] a new vision which is quite detached from that of the majority of the Palestinian people,” the source told MEE. “This vision is based on exchanging a lot of Palestinian lands.”
“Previous discussions about a Palestinian-Israeli settlement revolved around the exchange of only 1.9 percent of the lands, but now we are talking about more than triple that amount,” said the source.
Palestinian worshippers pray near the Dome of Rock shrine at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound before the Friday prayer in Jerusalem's Old City (AFP)
Abbas had reportedly rejected an offer from Israel’s Olmert during the failed 2008 peace talks for a near-total withdrawal from the West Bank - proposing that Israel retain 6.3 percent of the territory in order to keep control of major Jewish settlements, reported the Times of Israel in 2015.
Previous discussions revolved around the exchange of only 1.9 percent of the lands. Now we are talking about more than triple that amount
- Palestinian official close to PLO
Abbas met Trump in Washington in early May for their first face-to-face talks. According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, Abbas urged Trump at the time to restart peace talks under the 2008 offer made by then-prime minister Olmert.
The news comes ahead of Trump’s first foreign visit which includes stops in Israel, Palestine and Saudi Arabia. He is due to convene Arab leaders from across the region alongside Saudi royal family members in Riyadh and is expected to offer details for the first time on his vision for peace between Israelis and Palestinians in a press conference in Jerusalem.

Read more: Trump-Abbas meeting: A celebration of egos

According to a source in the Palestinian ministry of foreign affairs, the peace talks had failed in 2008 because the Palestinian delegation only agreed to exchange a much smaller percentage of its lands.
“We’ve been discussing this issue of land exchange since the negotiations with Olmert,” explained the foreign ministry source. “But at the time of the 2008 peace talks, Palestinians only agreed to exchange between 1-2 percent of Palestinian lands while Olmert was pushing for approximately 6.5 percent instead.”
According to the Times of Israel report, Olmert had offered to compensate the Palestinians with Israeli land equivalent to 5.8 percent of the West Bank, along with a link to the Gaza Strip - another territory meant to be part of a Palestinian state. The rejected offer also included placing Jerusalem’s Old City under international control.
A handicapped Palestinian protester waves the national flag during clashes with Israeli soldiers following a protest against the blockade on Gaza on 19 May (AFP)
This time around however, Jerusalem - the most controversial aspect of previous discussions – is not mentioned in the proposal that Abbas is allegedly meant to discuss with Trump during his visit, the Palestinian official close to the PLO told MEE.
Palestinians want East Jerusalem – which Israel occupied along with the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967 - as the capital of any future Palestinian state. Israel, which later annexed East Jerusalem, has unilaterally declared "reunited" Jerusalem as its capital since 1980. Neither move has been ever been recognised by the international community.

Read more: ANALYSIS: Trump looks to deal, but Abbas holds weak Palestinian hand

More recently, Trump’s promise during his presidential campaign to move the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, has further complicated discussions around Jerusalem in the case of a Palestinian-Israeli resolution. Following Trump’s inauguration, Abbas warned him that moving the embassy would have a "disastrous impact on the peace process, on the two-state solution and on the stability and security of the entire region".

The peace process

Palestinians have vied for a negotiated settlement that would meet the terms laid out in the Arab Peace Initiative, a 2002 proposal endorsed by the Arab League, which called for the withdrawal of Israel from the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
But members of the Palestinian leadership believe Trump’s visit will do little to achieve that.
The issue is not about Trump or Obama or Abu Mazen, the issue is that Israel does not want to withdraw from the West Bank or from Gaza 
- Awni al-Mashni, member of Fatah
“The issue is not about Trump or Obama or Abu Mazen, the issue is that Israel does not want to withdraw from the West Bank or from Gaza nor does it want to end the occupation,” Awni al-Mashni, a member of the Fatah movement told MEE.
Mashni explained that regardless of the details of this new proposal, any initiative to withdraw from the West Bank and Gaza would ultimately fail since the Israeli leadership had refused to take this step.
US President Donald Trump and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the White House on 15 February 2017 in Washington
“The current political climate won’t allow for a solution. The Israeli government is more radical than ever before and will not be responsive to any initiative,” added Mashni.
During a major policy speech in December 2016, former US Secretary of State John Kerry s criticised the Israeli government of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, describing his coalition government as the "most right-wing in Israeli history".
While Netanyahu has said he is committed to a two-state solution, international observers including Kerry said the Israeli government's agenda had appeared geared towards a one-state solution that aimed at creating a "greater Israel".
Kerry's remarks came as a batch of Israeli settlements were being built in the occupied West Bank in defiance of the UN security council resolution that was passed in December 2016.
Jerusalem-based journalist and political analyst Rasim Abedat also told MEE that he had little expectation of Trump pushing for a satisfactory settlement for the Palestinians, saying that US and Israeli interests in the region overlap now more than ever.
“Looking at the meeting between Trump and Netanyahu earlier this year, there was no discussion of a two-state solution and that is exactly Netanyahu’s goal – to end any talk of the matter,” said Abedat.
The goal of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank was thrown into confusion when Trump said that while he was committed to a "really great" peace deal during Netanyahu’s visit to the White House on 15 February, he said he was neither committed to its existence nor against a "one-state solution" to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
At the same time, several Palestinian leaders believe that Abbas’ adoption of a one-man approach has increasingly distanced him from the Palestinian people making him no longer representative of the Palestinian people.
“The PA is battling an internal crisis and is suffering low levels of trust among the Palestinian people. The only thing that has kept it going is that it pays the salaries of tens of thousands of employees,” Abedat told MEE.
Even if Abu Mazen agrees to a settlement, the Palestinian people will not give up Jerusalem 
- Palestinian journalist Rasim Abedat
According to Fatah member Mashni this lack of representation will make any move Abbas makes unimportant.
“I doubt Abu Mazen will agree to a settlement and even if he does, the Palestinian people will not give up Jerusalem or agree to the continuity of the occupation,” he told MEE.

An Arab coalition

Instead of reaching a settlement regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, many observers believe that at the top of the agenda on Trump’s regional visit is the establishment of an Arab coalition which would help normalise relations between Israel and its neighbours.
“Trump is coming with a plan for the whole region which aims to normalise relations between the Palestinians and Israelis on the one hand, and the Israelis and the rest of the Arabs on the other hand,” said the Palestinian official.
A Palestinian protester hurls stones towards Israeli soldiers during clashes in Bethlehem on 17 March (AFP)
“The main aim [of this visit] is to establish an Arab coalition led by Saudi Arabia to fight Iran, Syria and Hezbollah.”
Numerous Gulf states have offered a deal to normalise relations with Israel if it takes steps to restart peace talks with the Palestinians, according to reports last week.
The Wall Street Journal said numerous Gulf states were prepared to set up telecommunication lines between the countries, open trade negotiations and allow planes to fly over their airspace.
In exchange, Israel would have to freeze settlement construction in the West Bank and relax trade restrictions with the Gaza Strip.
Even if Abbas has agreed to give up Jerusalem, no one can impose anything on the Palestinian people
- Fatah member Awni al-Mashni
The proposals to normalise relations with Israel were outlined in an unreleased discussion paper shared among several Arab states, obtained by the WSJ.
The paper, according to WSJ, was intended to demonstrate the Gulf states' commitment to align itself to Trump's foreign policy, who has stressed a desire to work with Arab states to forge a Middle East peace agreement.
MEE approached minister for the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR) and member the Fatah central committee Muhammed Shtayye but he refused to comment on the topic. 
Journalist and political analyst Abedat said that Israel and Trump might also use this coalition to “pressure the Palestinian leadership into accepting a settlement that is not inclusive of a two-state solution".
Mashni agreed: “Many Arab governments believe that the Palestinian cause has been an obstacle in the way of forming this coalition and so they [the Arab countries] will try to find a way to get around it.”
In the voice of the majority of Palestinians however, Mashni insisted that “Even if Abbas has agreed to give up Jerusalem, no one can impose anything on the Palestinian people, and the Palestinian people won’t allow that to happen.”
"Abbas is pursuing a losing battle. I hope he doesn't commit to anything in front of Trump," said the official.