Tuesday, June 12, 2012

Ilan Pappé: the boycott will work

By Ilan Pappe

Ilan Pappe (Photo: Paula Geraghty)

Even before one begins to define more specifically what such outside pressure entails, it is essential not to confuse the means (pressure) with the objective (finding a formula for joint living). In other words, it is important to emphasize that pressure is meant to trigger meaningful negotiations, not take their place. So while I still believe that change from within is key to bringing about a lasting solution to the question of the refugees, the predicament of the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the future of Jerusalem, other steps must first be taken for this to be achieved.

What kind a pressure is necessary? South Africa has provided the most illuminating and inspiring historical example for those leading this debate, while, on the ground, activists and NGOs under occupation have sought nonviolent means both to resist the occupation and to expand the forms of resistance beyond suicide bombing and the %ring of Qassam missiles from Gaza. These two impulses produced the BDS campaign against Israel. It is not a coordinated campaign operated by some secret cabal. It began as a call from within the civil society under occupation, endorsed by other Palestinian groups, and translated into individual and collective actions worldwide.

Monday, June 11, 2012

UN observers confirm Syria aerial attacks

Monitors and joint envoy Annan cite increasing use of helicopter gunships, mortars and tanks against opposition areas

Al-Jazeera

"United Nations monitors have said Syrian helicopters fired on rebel strongholds north of Homs and that many women and children are trapped in the city.

The observers called on Monday for "immediate and unfettered access" to the conflict zones, while in Haffeh, a mainly Sunni town near the Mediterranean coast, the US State Department said it feared a "potential massacre".

It was the first time the UN has verified repeated allegations by activists that Assad's forces have fired from helicopters in the military crackdown on rebels.

"UN observers reported heavy fighting in Rastan and Talbiseh, north of [Homs], with artillery and mortar shelling, as well as firing from helicopters, machine guns and smaller arms," UN spokeswoman Sausan Ghosheh said in a statement......"

The Myth of the Drone War “Successes”

Assassination Campaigns Do Not Win Wars, and They Create as Many Enemies as They Destroy

by PATRICK COCKBURN
CounterPunch

"As the US and its allies ponder what to do about Syria, one suggestion advanced by the protagonists of armed intervention is to use unmanned drones to attack Syrian government targets. The proposal is a measure of the extraordinary success of the White House, CIA and Defense Department in selling the drone as a wonder weapon despite all the evidence to the contrary......

Unmanned drone strikes are all about American domestic politics rather than about the countries where they are used. They cater to illusions of power, giving Americans a sense that their technical prowess is unparalleled, despite the Pentagon’s inability to counter improvised explosive devices, which are no more than old-fashioned mines laid in or beside roads. The drones have even been presented as being more humanitarian than other forms of warfare, simply by claiming that any dead males of military age killed in a strike must have been enemy combatants.

The downside to these exaggerated successes is that the White House and the US security agencies believe more of their own propaganda than is good for them. Ramshackle insurgent movements in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen are not like regular armies, in which the elimination of officers or senior cadres might be a crippling blow to the organization. Just as important, in the long term, assassination campaigns do not win wars, and they create as many enemies as they destroy."

Al-Jazeera Video: حديث الثورة - انعكاسات الأزمة السورية على لبنان


"انعكاسات الازمة السورية على لبنان والمخاوف من انتقال العنف من سوريا إلى الداخل اللبناني
تقديم : غاده عويس
تاريخ البث: 2012/06/09
الضيوف : هيثم المالح
محمد عبيد
أحمد فتفت
جهاد الخازن
"

Emad Hajjaj on the International Community Giving the Butcher of Damascus One Breathing Spell After Another

Why has there been no 'Palestinian spring'? One word: Oslo


The 1993 accords turned the Palestinian struggle from one of resisting Israeli colonialism into occupation management

Ben White
guardian.co.uk, Monday 11 June 2012

"Ever since the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt began a regional earthquake 18 months ago, commentators have wondered about the absence of a "Palestinian spring". Attempting to explain this is useful, since it also helps to shed light on key problems with the now-comatose peace process.

To some extent, the question "Why no Palestinian spring?" can be answered with one word: Oslo. The Oslo accords, signed in 1993, established a paradigm where the Palestinian struggle for return and decolonisation was turned into a facade of sovereignty, piecemeal concessions and occupation management......

In Amnesty International's most recent global human rights report, both the PA and Hamas are criticised for mistreating detainees and restricting freedom of expression. Low tolerance for dissent in the media or in public demonstrations has been one example of the human rights violations that the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights says are "motivated by the ongoing state of political division, apparently as mutual reactions by each side towards the other one".
Add to this the lack of a political programme representing Palestinian national aspirations, as well as the leadership vacuum brought about by the Fatah-Hamas conflict, and it's no wonder that mobilisation is a tough challenge.

But that's not to say it isn't happening. Palestinians are mobilised but their mobilisation is decentralised and disparate – the energy is there but not in a way that may be immediately apparent. Multiple strands of activism are at play, some of which are aimed at directly, or indirectly, challenging the obstacles to resisting Israeli colonialism.

Until now, mass Palestinian action in the occupied territories is inhibited by a number of factors. But that's not say things are standing still – and as we know from both Palestinian history and more recent events in the region, things can change in an instant."

Mubarak Convicted, but Abuses Continue in Egypt


Corruption and human rights abuses continue to plague Egypt despite the conviction of Hosni Mubarak

by Joe Stork
Human Rights Watch

"......
Perhaps, the most astounding feature of the Mubarak and Adli verdicts is that the four high-ranking Interior Ministry officials also facing charges got off scot-free. They included the commander of the Central Security Forces and the head of Cairo security. Egyptian rights activists used to spot them frequently on the scene directing security forces during confrontations with demonstrators. The other conclusion one can draw is that Mubarak's conviction and sentencing comes nowhere close to meeting Egyptian demands for comprehensive accountability for systematic abuses under Mubarak's nearly 30-year rule. A survey of a cross-section of Egyptians over the past year found that they care deeply about accountability for human rights abuses.

The serious crimes this trial addressed were limited to those that took place January 25 to 31 - the initial week of the uprising that led to Mubarak's ouster. What is still needed are credible and impartial investigations and prosecutions for torture, enforced disappearances, and other systematic human rights abuse - not to mention serious rights violations, including torture, under the generals who eased Mubarak out of power. Mubarak after all was tried before an ordinary criminal court, subject to ordinary criminal law and procedures, as he should have been. But since he was forced from office in February 2011, some 12,000 civilians have faced military court trials for ordinary crimes as well as protest-related offences."

Egypt group calls on voters to void ballot


Bikya Masr

"CAIRO: The Egyptian group Mobteloon, who call on Egyptians to void their votes in the run-off of the presidential elections on June 16 and 17, said they would not allow Egyptian’s votes be stolen or manipulated and invited others from different points of view to join their call, the group said at a press conference in Cairo on Sunday.

“We aim to lower the percentage of both candidates and we are planting a seed of opposition to the winner from the beginning,” said Ghada al-Shabander, a volunteer with the campaign, during the press conference that took place on Sunday at noon.

The press conference was called for to announce the birth of the campaign that took the slogan “bring down their legitimacy, void their votes.”

The group asked Egyptians to mark both candidates and write their own personal message of why they refuse both candidates.

The group’s Facebook page published pictures from Egyptians abroad who voted this week, with their voting ballot with messages they wrote in opposition to both candidates.

“From today we decided to reclaim our unique and courageous revolutionary path and rewrite our country’s future ourselves,” said Mohamed Ghoniem from the campaign.

“We tell you now that we will not let our votes be manipulated or our will frauded and we will make sure to document all our void votes through all means,” said Ghoniem, addressing those responsible for the elections in the country.

To keep track of the process, they invited voters who plan to void their votes to text the word Mobtel, or one who voids, and their city to count the numbers of participation in the campaign.

Large numbers of Egyptians, mostly pro-revolutionaries, found themselves in a predicament after the first round of elections brought about the Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Morsi in a face-off with Mubarak’s last prime minister Ahmed Shafiq.

The campaign said that the first round of the election saw many violations, yet the elections committee chose to ignore them, which produced, according to the campaign, “the worst possible outcome.”

“We will not elect Shafiq as the first president in post-revolution Egypt, the military bred minister from the old regime and Mubarak’s last prime minister,” they said. “We will not elect Morsi, the head of a political party that repeatedly promised to not monopolize the political scene and give a chance to everyone and broke his promise.”

The group added that “our votes will not be a stepping stone for you to the ruling palace rather a thunder chant that will bring down your walls if Egyptian freedom is compromised.”"

The third way

By Khaled Fahmy
Al-Masry Al-Youm

".....A third way?

There is no doubt that we are now witnessing a revealing moment in the history of the revolution. More and more people are realizing that the gloves are now off and that the political landscape that has been shaped by the revolution has acquired a new shape. The huge multitudes who took to the streets following the verdict indicate the strong repulsion for the institutions of the deep state and suggest a growing belief that a third alternative, one that is neither the security state nor the religious state, may hold the key to getting us out of the current impasse.

It is too soon to figure out what this third alternative looks like, and only the following few days will reveal which form it will take. Soon we will be able to find out whether or not this third alternative can avoid the trap choosing between the military fascism that former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq is offering us and the religious populism that Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Morsy represents. But a short detour to modern Egyptian history might shed light on the harbingers of this third way, and show how it has become nearly inevitable.......

As for the second flank that formed Egypt’s political scene over the past 60 years, the Muslim Brotherhood, the group was equally caught off-guard by the Mubarak trial verdict. It is true that the verdict has increased the chances of the Brotherhood’s candidate winning the second round of the presidential election, but it is not the first time since the revolution that the Brotherhood has found itself winning tactically but losing strategically. For what is the ultimate goal of acquiring posts and controlling institutions if you lack vision, if you cannot deliver and if you lose supporters? The Brotherhood, like the military, is facing an existential crisis stemming from its realization that its long historical experience has not proved useful in dealing with the current revolutionary moment.

The only force that is capable of extracting us from the present crisis is this third way whose history can be traced all the way back to the 19 century, which has ignited the 25 January revolution, and which is gaining self-confidence day after day. In contrast to other political forces that bask in past glories or that are mired licking their own wounds, this third way, which does not even have a name, face or shape, is the only force that has a vision. And as politically savvy this third way appears to be, it is its poetry - not its politics - that promises a salvation."

Sunday, June 10, 2012

Video: The Butcher of Damascus Begins the Liberation of the Golan......Starting with the City of Ruston

Al-Jazeera Video: Syrian cities endure intense shelling



"Violence is continuing in Syria, with activists reporting government assaults on the southern city of Deraa and Homs in the centre of the country.

Activists in Homs said several neighbourhoods were under intense shelling for the third day in a row on Saturday. They said al-Khaldiyeh, Jouret al-Shayyah, al-Qusour and Old Homs were being bombarded with mortars and rockets.

Al Jazeera's Khadija Margadie reports."

Syria rebels gaining ground, strength

The Washington Post

"BEIRUT — An increasingly effective Syrian rebel force has been gaining ground in recent weeks, stepping up its attacks on government troops and expanding the area under its control even as world attention has been focused on pressuring Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to comply with a U.N. cease-fire.

The loosely organized Free Syrian Army now acknowledges that it is also no longer observing the truce, although rebel commanders insist they are launching attacks only to defend civilians in the wake of concerns generated by two recent massacres in which most of the 186 victims were women and children.

The rebels say they are acquiring access to ammunition and funding that had been in short supply a few months ago, streamlining their structures to improve coordination and steadily eroding the government’s capacity to control large swaths of the country..........

U.S. officials and Syrian opposition figures said last month that a discreet effort by Arab gulf states to channel funds and weapons to the rebels — an undertaking the United States is helping to coordinate — had begun to gear up. The rebels’ apparent progress suggests that the assistance is having an effect, driving the dynamic toward a deepening conflict and perhaps intensifying pressure on the government to make concessions, even as world powers continue to rule out military intervention, analysts say.

The lightly armed rebels, equipped mostly with assault rifles, rocket-propelled grenades and some mortars, are still a long way from being able to inflict defeat on the superior Syrian army. They are also far from achieving the capabilities of Libya’s rebels, who quickly seized control of a large chunk of territory and a sizable arsenal.

The Syrian rebels “are never going to be capable of driving on Damascus and driving out the regime,” said Jeffrey White, a former Defense Intelligence Agency official who is now with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. But, he said, with their repeated hit-and-run attacks on Syrian outposts and convoys, it is clear that “they’re increasing pressure on the regime, increasing attrition and increasing defections.”

“They’re looking stronger to me, and better,” White said. “People have been calling them a ragtag force, and I just don’t think that’s accurate anymore. I would describe them as an increasingly capable guerrilla force.”

The rebels are also gaining confidence.

“Every day we control more territory, every day we have more defections, and we are having better organization in our ranks,” said Maj. Sami al-Kurdi, a spokesman for the Homs Military Council, one of the new military structures that are being established around the country. “The regime now controls only the territory under its tanks, and the evidence is that they don’t dare step out of their tanks.”

Growing effectiveness

Verifying such claims is difficult because the Syrian government restricts access to journalists. But military experts who monitor the evolving conflict say they have detected a significant uptick in the number of videos of rebel attacks posted online.

The rebels also say they are inflicting heavy casualties on government troops, and though confirming that is impossible, the official Syrian Arab News Agency has recently reported a growing number of deaths. In the past 10 days, 234 members of the security forces killed in the violence have been buried at honorary military funerals, according to a tally of the reports — a record 57 of them Saturday.

The intensified fighting of the past two weeks offers further evidence of the rebels’ growing strength. The Free Syrian Army said it overran three government positions in the northern province of Idlib last week, and there have been battles in areas previously untouched by the violence, such as the rural area north of Aleppo.........

But after driving rebels from strongholds in the Baba Amr district of Homs and several Idlib towns in March, the government has since seemed unable to press home the advantage. Repeated efforts to dislodge the Free Syrian Army from the provincial Homs towns of Rastan and Qusair have failed, and a major offensive launched last week against a previously unnoticed rebel stronghold in the town of Haffa, northeast of Latakia, faltered despite intense shelling and the deployment of combat helicopters.

The government still has the capacity to use overwhelming force against rebel strongholds, but it “can’t bring force to bear everywhere at the same time,” said Amr al-Azm, a professor of history at Shawnee State University in Ohio who is active in the Syrian opposition.

“They can go in and suppress an area, but as soon as they leave it, it is out of their control,” he said.

The result is that many parts of northern and central Syria have effectively fallen under the sway of the rebels, said Joseph Holliday, a researcher who tracks Free Syrian Army activity for the Washington-based Institute for the Study of War.

“They’re making it really hard for the regime to move around, for them to get out of their little checkpoints that they’re barricaded into,” said Holliday, a veteran of the Iraq war who compared the predicament of Syrian forces to that of U.S. troops in Iraq during the height of the fighting there. “We were pinned down. We couldn’t get around,” he said.

Signs of cohesion

Rebel commanders credit the growing demoralization of the regular army, in part, for their performance. Defections continue at a steady rate and troops are weary after nearly 15 months of continuous deployment in the effort to suppress the rebellion, they say.

And though they deny receiving foreign help, the rebels say the money they are receiving now is enabling them to buy more weapons on the thriving black market.

“We are getting weapons from dealers who are very active in Syria now,” said Col. Aref Hammoud, a spokesman for the Free Syrian Army in southern Turkey. Rebels are also seizing more weapons in attacks on government forces, he said......."

جرائم الدكتاتوريات العربية وإسرائيل

By Azmi Bishara

"جرائم الدكتاتوريات العربية وإسرائيل
8 يونيو 2012
يظهر الاستبداد العربي ممارسات قمعية وحشية. ويروق لبعض الأخوة المندهشين أو المتأذين معنويا من حجم القمع الذي يمارسة الاستبداد بحق الشعوب العربية والإنسان العربي مقارنته بما مارسته إسرائيل ضد الشعب الفلسطيني، وفي الأرض المحتلة عام 1967 بشكل خاص.

ويبدو أن من يقوم بهذه المقارنة إنما يفعل ذلك بحسن نية، فهو غالبا ما يقصد أن السياسة الإسرائيلية هي شر معياري، اذا صح التعبير، وأن الشرور الأخرى تقاس به وعليه. ولكن يبدو لي من بعض المناقشات أن ما يقصده أصحابها (وهم قلة) هو دحض شر إسرائيل. بل ونجد محاولات لتقديم إسرائيل بصورة افضل، لا سيما من قبل المعارضين الذين لم يعتبروا يوما أن قضية الشعب الفلسطيني أو العراقي أو الجزائري قضيتهم، وكانوا دائما ينظرون الى أميركا كحليف.

وقد لفتت نظري تعليقات بعض الأخوة الإيجابية تجاه خطاب المندوب الإسرائيلي في مجلس الأمن تجاه سوريا وهي، على الرغم من ندرتها وقلتها، ليست في مكانها، فإسرائيل لا ترغب لا بوحدة سوريا ولا بتطورها ولا بديمقراطيتها، فضلا عن عروبتها. ومع ذلك فيما يلي بعض الملاحظات حول خطأ المقارنة:

1. لا تصح المقارنة الكمية لأن الصراع مع إسرائيل لا يقاس بحجم القتلى والشهداء. فإسرائيل القوية اقتصاديا وأمنيا وتكنولوجيا لم تعد بحاجة لهذا الكم من العنف البدائي، ولديها أدوات سيطرة وعنف أكثر "تطورا". ولكنها في الماضي استخدمت عنفا بدائيا، وما هو اكثر فداحة منه، في طرد شعب بأكمله. ولم تحاصر ولم تفرض عليها عقوبات، وما زالت حتى اليوم دولة الغرب المدللة... وهي تستغل ما يجري عربيا لمواصلة الاستيطان وتهويد القدس، وحتى الدول العربية التي تقيم معها علاقات سلام للأسف لم تقطع هذه العلاقات.

2. الشعوب العربية تناضل في أوطانها من أجل مستقبل أفضل. وسوف تناله بنضالها ضد الاستبداد. ولكن الشعب الفلسطيني فقد وطنه. فلسطين هي ارض محتلة من قبل استعمار استيطاني إحلالي... أحل شعبا مكان آخر.

3. إسرائيل هي النقيض للوحدة الوطنية والمحفّز الأول في مسارات البنية الطائفية السياسية للدول، فهي تنظّر للتعامل مع العرب ليس كشعوب بل كطوائف، وتمارس علاقاتها الإقليمية سياسيا على هذا الاساس.

4. قضية فلسطين هي قضية كل عربي ليس بسبب القمع الذي يتعرض له الشعب الفلسطيني، بل لأنها آخر قضية استعمارية في المنطقة، وهي التي تشكل محور الإملاءات الاستعمارية الغربية على دول المنطقة حتى الديمقراطية في المستقبل.

يجب ان نقف جميعا ضد الاستبداد، وان لا نسمح لاي نظام باستغلال قضية فلسطين في تبرير جرائمه، ولا يمكن أن يكون من يقمع شعبه صديقا حقيقيا لإحقاق العدل في فلسطين... ولكن علينا ايضا ان لا نسمح ان يجري بهدوء تهميش قضية فلسطين، أو تحويلها الى مسألة نسبية مقارنة بالقمع العربي، لا سيما من قبل أولئك الذين أعجبوا دائما بالسياسات الغربية في المنطقة، وناهضوا فكرة الرابطة العربية التي تربط شعبهم بشعب فلسطين والشعوب الأخرى، وانضموا الى الثورات لأسبابهم وليس من أجل الديمقرطية. وتحتاج الثورات لمن ينضم إليها ولكن علينا أن نكون حذرين بشأن النوايا والأهداف... فغالبا ما تكون النوايا هي الأهداف.
"

مجزرة معرزاف( حي القبير)

"مجزرة معرزاف( حي القبير)


Source: Azmi Bishara

7 يونيو 2012
أورد هنا تفاصيل وخلفيات المجزرة كما تجمعت لدي بمساعدة مجموعة من الباحثين، وهي تفاصيل مفحوصة بدقة وأنشرها هنا لأول مرة:
1. حيثيات وتفاصيل المجزرة " حي القبير"
حصلت المجزرة بعد ظهر الأربعاء6-6-2012، وقد تزامنت مع عملية عسكرية واسعة قام بها الجيش النظامي في ريف حماه الشمالي والغربي. وكان أبرز المواجهات المسلحة تلك التي حصلت في قرية كفرزيتا، والتي تعتبر أحد مراكز تجمع المسلحيّن الذين يقومون بعمليات مستمرة على الحواجز العسكرية والأمنية المنتشرة بكثافة في ريف حماه الشمالي. ولإتمام حصار مدينة كفرزيتا وطيبة الإمام عمد الجيش إلى اقتحام القرى المجاورة التي تؤمن الإمدادات للمسلحين المتطوعين وعناصر الجيش الحر في المدينة.
انطلق القوات النظاميّة من النقطة العسكريّة الموجودة في قريّة المجدل، وتوجهت إلى معرزاف حيث تصدى لها مسلحون بالقرب من القرية فعمد إلى قصفها من بعيد، ما أدى إلى تراجع المسلحين وتحصنوا داخل القريّة لصد محاولة الاقتحام.
وقد رافق القوات النظاميّة أثناء الاقتحام شبيحة من قريّة أصيلة المجاورة لقرية معرزاف، وتوجهوا إلى حي زراعي ملاصق للقريّة يدعى حي القبير، وتسكنه عدد من العائلات البدوية والذي يصل تعداد ساكنيه إلى 250 شخص موزعين على 20 منزل، وقاموا بمجزرة قتل فيها حوالي 88 شخص بينهم 22 طفلاً، وعدد مشابه من النساء وتنوعت وسائل القتل ما بين الإعدام الميدانيّ بالرصاص، إضافة إلى السكاكين والأدوات الحادة، والقتل حرقًا حيث تم معاينة 8 جثث متفحمة.
بعد خروج الشبيحة وانسحاب الجيش إلى حاجز قرية المجدل نقل أهالي حي القبير القتلى إلى قرية معرزاف وبدأت مراسم دفنهم صباحًا، وقد منع الجيش النظامي عند حاجز المجدل اليوم وصول فريق بعثة المراقبين الدوليين إلى القريّة.
2. قرية معرزاف
تقع قرية معرزاف غرب مدينة حماه تبعد عنها مسافة 20 كم، وتقع جنوب مدينة محردة ( مسيحية) بمسافة 2 كم، وقد بدأ حراكها سلميّا بالتزامن مع تجذر الحراك الثوري في مدينة حماه في شهر أيار/ مايو 2011. ينحدر سكانها من أصول بدويّة ( عشائر النعيم) وفيها العديد من الضباط الذين انشقوا عن الجيش في مراحل متقدمة من عمر الثورة، وأبرزهم الرائد ماهر النعيمي الناطق الإعلامي باسم الجيش السوري الحر. ويبلغ عدد سكانها نحو 4500 نسمة، يعملون في الزراعة وتربية المواشي.
3. سياق الاضطرابات الأهليّة

انقسم الريف الحموي " الغربي" ،الذي يضم طوائف متعددة ( سنة، علويين، مرشدين، ومسيحيين)، في موقفه من الثورة والنظام منذ البدايّة. وتجذر الانقسام على خلفيات طائفيّة مع طول مدتها، إذ بدأت تحصل حوادث طائفيّة بعد انضمام شباب القرى العلويّة إلى الشبيحة ومشاركتهم في قمع المظاهرات، وقد حصلت عدة اشتباكات بين القرى السنية والعلويّة استطاعت الفعاليات الأهليّة والوجهاء احتواءها، لكن أعنف هذه الاشتباكات وقعت في بداية شهر آب/ أغسطس 2011، بعد دخول الجيش إلى مدينّة حماه.
إذ أقام أهالي قريّة معرزاف، وتيزين، واللطامنة، وحلفايّا حواجز ولجان شعبيّة لمنع الشبيحة الذين جندتهم القوى الأمنيّة من القرى العلويّة لقمع المظاهرة من النزول إلى المدينة. وعند حاجز قريّة تيزين حصل اشتباك بين الشبيحة، ومسلحي القرية قتل خلالها اثنين من قريّة تيزين، فتداعت القرى "السنية" بتضامنيّة طائفيّة وتوجهوا بالسيارات إلى قرية الربيعة بهدف "إبادة القريّة". وقد تمكن وجهاء الطرفيّن من حل الإشكال ومنعوا مواجهة طائفيّة مسلحة آنذاك.
بعدها شاع السلاح، وتولت كل قريّة حمايّة نفسها. ونتيجة لذلك، كانت تحصل وبشكل دوري حوادث اختطاف وقتل من الجانبين، لتعزز من الانقسام والاضطرابات. ففي شهر أذار/ مارس 2012 قتل 5 أشخاص من قريّة أصيلة من قبل مسلحي حلفايّا، كما اختطفت معلمة تنتمي لهذه القريّة بذريعة مشاركة أهالي القريّة في اقتحام مدينة حلفايّا، وحصلت مواجهات طائفيّة شارك فيها مسلحو قرية معرزاف. ويبدو أن السلوك العنفي، الذي حصل بالأمس من قبل سكان أصيلة أثناء محاولة اقتحام الجيش لمعرزاف يعود أيضا إلى أسباب ثأرية انتقاميّة. وقد استغل من نفذ المذبحة القصف الموجه الى معرزاف.
يمكن أن تنتشر هذه الظواهر في سوريا على خلفية استمرار عنف الدولة الذي يغذي العنف الأهلي. ولقد أنكر بشار الأسد في خطابه الأخير هذه الخلفيات في حالة مجزرة الحولة، ولم يعد بالقبض على القتلة ومحاسبتهم، بل نسب الأمر الى "الجماعات المسلحة". وهو يعرف الخلفية الحقيقية، ما يعني منح حصانة للقتلة، وربما شجع آخرين على أن يحذوا حذوهم.
هذه الاستراتجية لتخويف العالم من أن الثورة تقود الى الفوضى، والحرب والأهلية لم تعد تنفع. فالنتيجة التي استخلصها الجميع ان النظام هو المشكلة.
على القوى الثورة المسؤولة أن تؤكد على الوحدة الوطنية، وعلى مسؤولية النظام عما يجري. كما أنه من الضروري التأكيد على ان اي عنف أهلي يجر دورة من العنف المضاعف. فلا أحد يقتل في سوريا على خلفية أهلية من دون أن يكون أهله قادرين على القتل هم أيضا. المشكلة هي النظام الحاكم. وهو عدو جميع المواطنين، الذي يسعى لتحويل كل مواطن الى عدو للآخر.
"

Saturday, June 9, 2012

Al-Jazeera Video: حديث الثورة - المباحثات الروسية الأميركية حول سوريا


"المباحثات الروسية الأميركية حول سوريا ووضع المراقبين
تقديم : فيروز الزياني
تاريخ البث : 2012/06/08
الضيوف :
ديفيد ساتر
عباس خلف
فواز جرجس
"

Have you heard of the American Task Force on Palestine?


A 'task force' that alleges to speak on behalf of Palestinians is nothing but a sham, says author.

A VERY GOOD PIECE AND RECOMMENDED READING
By Ahmed Moor
Al-Jazeera

"Cairo, Egypt - The Palestinians are in crisis. Their leaders are weak and self-interested. Opportunists work to fill the void.....

ATFP was built in the best tradition of the Ahmad Chalabi school of Diaspora governance. It is a Washington organisation designed to promote a particular line on Palestine.The group is tasked with feeding the State Department palatable fictions - like, "two states for two peoples". In return, organisation heads are invited to dinners with important people.

Ziad Asali, ATFP's president, recently attended a celebration of Israel's "independence" where he posed for friendly photos with Israel's ambassador to the United States. While Asali never had credibility among Palestinians, his recent night out secured his status as an object of derision......

Asali's complete disconnect from history, the current reality in Palestine, and his insensible behavioural norms underscore his alienation from Palestinian-Americans. But that should not come as a surprise. Despite his claims, he never represented the community......

At this moment it is easy to regard ATFP with contempt. But Asali is not the only party responsible for his embarrassing behaviour. Orengate or Asaligate or whatever is an indication of a broader failure among the Palestinians. Today, there is no credible leadership - not in Palestine and not in the Diaspora.

All Palestinians share in that failure. But Palestinian-Americans own more of it than anyone else.

The Palestinian Authority has been illegitimate for a long time. "Security coordination" with Israel has enabled the occupation forces to stymie some of the most potent and non-violent challenges to apartheid. Individually, Mahmoud Abbas and Salam Fayyad have been effective at protecting their roles as occupation intermediaries. Only recently, the Palestinian Authority decreed that Abbas is beyond criticism. Journalists have been jailed for refusing to heed the absurd edict. And activists have been jailed for issuing legitimate challenges to the unelected "leaders" in the West Bank.

The Hamas leadership is only marginally better - and only because the organisation does not actively coordinate its activities with the Israeli army. The legitimacy afforded by elections in 2006 has long since worn thin and fallen away. Attacks on non-Islamist groups, the restriction of commonsense freedoms, and a series of fundamentalist decrees have undermined the party's status among Palestinians.

In Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, refugees are besieged by unfriendly governments. The obstacles to their organisational coherence are formidable. In Lebanon and Syria, Palestinian camps have been attacked and razed by the state. In Jordan, refugees are being stripped of their citizenship.
Because so many others live in repressive environments, Palestinian-Americans and their counterparts in the Western countries have greater share of the responsibility. Often well-to-do, they have failed to do enough. And with no good reason.

The reality is that opportunists like Asali can only thrive in an environment that allows excessive self-regard to masquerade as actual achievement. If the ATFP has succeeded in selling a lie to members of the American establishment it is only because Palestinian-Americans have not actively and persistently spoken out. There is no Palestinian Authority here to guarantee the prominence of the Asali-Israeli line - only pervasive indifference.

But the environment is changing. Among young Palestinians the apathy - or fear of being marginalised - is gone. A new assuredness has taken their place. More than ever before they are speaking out.

Ziad Asali does not represent Palestinians or Palestinian-Americans. He does not represent me or anyone I know. And he never did.

But his blunder has presented us with a challenge. Our voice has been hijacked and manipulated. We allowed that to happen.
What will we do to take it back?"

We must face up to the harsh truths about Syria


Let's call a spade a spade: Kofi Annan’s peace plan has had its day, and it's time he said as much.

The Telegraph

"As Syria bleeds, diplomacy risks becoming an artful way of concealing harsh reality. The wearying circumlocutions of Kofi Annan, the former United Nations secretary general and author of the six-point peace plan, might serve as a prime illustration of this danger. Rather than admit the demonstrable failure of his proposal in the aftermath of Syria’s latest massacre, this pillar of global respectability prefers to tie himself in exquisitely dignified knots. “I’m not sure whether it is the plan that is dead,” intoned Mr Annan, “or it is implementation that is lacking.”

You have to have attended countless international conferences to produce obfuscation like that. Now is the moment to call a spade a spade: Mr Annan’s plan has had its day. At no stage did this sensible, well-intentioned blueprint alter the behaviour of President Bashar al-Assad – or the Syrian opposition. On the contrary, despite agreeing to respect a ceasefire from April 10 onwards (how hollow that sounds today), and formally accepting the Annan proposals more than two months ago, this pitiless tyrant has continued to torment his people. Mr Assad has recaptured major cities and weakened the rebel coalition with a ruthless offensive. As such, he is probably safer today than he was at the turn of the year.

Who now can doubt that his acceptance of the Annan plan was merely a cynical device to ward off international pressure? Russia and China, for their part, endorsed the proposal simply to cover their embarrassment over being the chief protectors of an odious regime. The Western powers, and Syria’s exasperated neighbours, signed up because they did not want to be seen to obstruct a chance for peace. For a while, everyone had an interest in backing Mr Annan and pretending that his ideas had traction.

Sadly, both Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, and William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, have yet to drop the act. Their verbal contortions on Thursday came close to the Annan league. America and Britain at least have the excuse that calling off the Annan effort is not within their gift: only the man himself can do that.......

That leaves one possible avenue. Every Arab country, with the possible exception of Iraq and Lebanon, wants to see the back of Mr Assad. Turkey, his most powerful neighbour, fervently desires his overthrow. These nations should be given all the encouragement and assistance they need to build Mr Assad’s opponents into a force powerful enough either to cause his downfall, or compel his allies to cast him overboard. For Qatar and Saudi Arabia – although not the West – that probably means arming and funding the rebels. For Turkey, the options include carving out a buffer zone along the Syrian border and becoming a hub for Mr Assad’s armed and civilian opponents.

Within Syria itself, millions clearly yearn to break the chains of tyranny. But others – particularly from the Alawite and Christian minorities – are understandably fearful of what that might entail. After 42 years of Alawite rule, any transfer of power to the Sunni majority would be inherently dangerous. As such, the opposition must be given a platform to reassure these minorities of their place in a post-Assad Syria. Once it becomes clear that the dictator’s foes are growing stronger, while all he offers is perpetual bloodshed, the scales might tip against him. But the harsh realities of today must first be faced."

Video purports to show Syria massacre aftermath

UN and amateur footage shows bloody sheets, human and animal remains, and a distraught woman in the deserted village of Mazraat al-Qubeir where 78 people were reportedly massacred.

The Telegraph

Al-Jazeera Video: UN monitors smell 'burnt flesh' in Syria's Qubayr


"UN observers in Syria who went to the massacre village of Al-Qubayr said they saw blood on the walls and were hit by a "stench of burnt flesh" but could not confirm how many died.

While the government has denied responsibility, Martin Nesirky, a UN spokesman, said on Friday the observers saw armored vehicle tracks around the village and homes that were damaged by rockets, grenades and various weapons.

Al Jazeera's Tarek Bazley reports."

Egypt Transition on Brink of Collapse


By Sharif Abdel Kouddous

"As Egypt enters the final days of its so-called “transition,” the entire political process is on the verge of collapse.

The essential foundations of a post-Mubarak government that were supposed to have been lain over the past 16 months - the legislature, the presidency, the constitution - each suffer a crisis of legitimacy, the result of a military-managed transitional process so deformed that it barely make sense anymore.

Meanwhile, the lack of any semblance of reform within key state institutions - most notably the security forces, the judiciary and the media - was reconfirmed in the most dramatic of ways this month with the verdict in the trial of Hosni Mubarak, his sons and other top regime officials......

Every aspect of Egypt's transition has been badly mangled over the past 16 months and its legitimacy has been seriously called into question. Calls are growing for the entire process to be dumped in favor of a fresh start without the army at the helm. What is more likely to happen is that political elites will not come together to take on the military council, but instead pursue their own interests; band-aids will be used in a bid to save a decapitated political process and the country will stagger clumsily into another phase of uncertainty. For its part, the revolution will continue its struggle confined to where it first began: on the streets."