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Suspect 33, one of those referred to the mufti, is Dr Emad El-Din Shahin, a political science professor at the American University in Cairo. It is no exaggeration to say that the mere inclusion of his name in this case is enough to destroy any credibility that it might have had.
My testimonial for Dr Shahin is biased, not only because he is a dear friend and like a big brother to me, but also because we belong to the same academic and research field of political science. In addition, we both specialise in the study of political Islam and its analysis from an objective and critical standpoint. This makes my words with regards to him a confirmation to what is already obvious.
Dr Shahin's position and status in the scientific and academic world is neither debatable nor negotiable. Just enter his name into Google and you will find evidence of his intellectual contributions; look at his CV to see how valuable this man is and how respected he is in both Eastern and Western academic circles. He has lectured and taught at many prestigious universities in the world, including Harvard, Georgetown, Columbia and Boston; he is also a member of many academic and scientific committees and societies that all social sciences researchers aspire to join. In short, we are talking about an exceptional individual, both intellectually and morally, and he reminds us of the great Egyptian scholars who brought prestige to the country in the international community.
What I would like to talk about is the farcical aspect of the case in which Dr Shahin is being tried. It reveals the state of chaos and crookedness from which the judiciary in Egypt is suffering. According to what has been reported, his inclusion was a result of his name being mentioned coincidentally in an email circulated amongst members of the Muslim Brotherhood regarding the means by which the movement could resolve the political crisis in late 2011 after the Mohammed Mahmoud Street clashes, and the Egyptian Cabinet. Shahin, like any loyal Egyptian researcher, sought to rebuild his country after the 25 January Revolution on the foundations of democracy, freedom and the participation of all political forces. He also wrote a number of articles in Egyptian newspapers, especially in Al-Shorouk, in which he proposed a number of initiatives that called for the need to get rid of "political selfishness" and to establish political consensus amongst the revolutionary forces in order to rescue the country from chaos and instability.
The funniest part of the "fantasy" case is that most of the suspects do not know Dr Emad El-Din Shahin and have never met him. If they were shown a picture of him, few would identify him. This is not only because the case against him is fabricated, but also because he is not an attention-seeker or glory hunter, by any means.
The mysterious aspect of the trial is related to its blatantly political aspects, as Dr Shahin is a fierce defender of the civil state that respects everyone and rejects militarisation. In many of his articles and studies, he called on the military to retreat back into their bases and for the military institution to play its main role in preserving the country's national security without interfering in political life. He was also one of the many who warned against and rejected any type of deal between the Muslim Brotherhood and military that may allow the latter to obtain political and constitutional powers. In addition, he urged the Brotherhood to side with the revolution and stress the principle of peaceful protest as the only means to express opinions and political positions.
Morally, Dr Shahin took a bold position, as did other honourable people, against the 2013 coup; he was critical of the political chaos and decline in Egypt when writing a number of solid articles and studies published in Arab and English. It is ironic that he has been and still is one of the greatest critics of the behaviour of the political Islam groups, and he has made many comments regarding their intellectual and ideological project. However, his criticism is based on strong research and methodology, far from the language of political hatred and treachery which afflicts many suffering from "Islamophobia".
Personally, I have never met any of Dr Shahin's students, either inside Egypt or abroad, nor have I ever spoken to any of his colleagues, who have not praised him and his manners, academic contributions and good reputation. This includes supporters of the current Egypt government, such as Saad Eddin Ibrahim, who wrote an article some time ago praising him. Many may not know that this man was appointed as a Luce Proffessor at Notre Dame, but he gave it up to return to Egypt after the 25 January Revolution and contribute to rebuilding the country after years of systematic destruction at the hands of Mubarak and his corrupt governments. Unlike the others, Shahin did not treat the revolution as a means to profit personally, unlike other political researchers and scientists who became mouthpieces for the government and promoted its ideas.
In short, Dr Emad El-Din Shahin is a man who values education, morality and humanity and what is happening to him at the hands of the Egyptian court is nothing more than an attempt to get revenge and punish him for his political and moral positions. It is also an effort to oppress and silence all of the voices of wisdom and respect which are calling for the resolution of the current political crisis. He should be patient: "The decision of the matter, before and after (these events) is only with Allah."
This article was first published in Arabic on Al-Araby Al-Jadid.
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